Japanese Emperor Akihito Thursday weighed in on a
months-long controversy surrounding his
daughter-in-law's stress-related illness, saying he was
shocked by his son's accusations earlier this year that
palace officials were to blame.
In an imperial statement released to mark his 71st
birthday, the emperor said his son's imprudent remarks
had "caused a flurry of discussions including
speculations not based on fact ..."
The controversy _ sparked by Crown Prince Naruhito's
criticism of the officials in May _ has led to
speculation of a rift in the family. At the time,
Naruhito said his wife's handlers were trying to "deny
her character."
His comments garnered public sympathy for Masako, who
since last December has withdrawn from official duties
due to depression attributed to the pressures of palace
life.
However, Naruhito's younger brother, Prince Akishino,
publicly rebuked his elder sibling for the statements,
saying the crown prince should have consulted his father
before accusing palace officials.
Educated at Harvard, Oxford and Japan's prestigious
Tokyo University, Masako gave up a career in Japan's
Foreign Ministry and married Naruhito in 1993.
Before falling ill, she complained of hardly being
allowed to travel abroad. Critics have suggested palace
officials were reluctant to let Masako, 41, travel until
she produces a male heir.
Masako and Naruhito have one daughter, 3-year-old
Princess Aiko.
In July, the Imperial Household Agency said Masako was
suffering from an adaptive disorder and was being
treated through counseling and medication. She has
largely stayed out of the public eye since last
December.
Akihito said he has talked with his son several times
about his remarks and learned that Masako was facing "a
number of problems," but he added: "There are still some
things that I have not fully understood yet."
"I sincerely hope that in frankly conveying the hopes
that they now have, the Crown Prince and Crown Princess
will be able to move towards the realization of those
hopes and that this will bring them stability and
brightness in their life together."
Under Japan's postwar constitution, the royal family has
no official political power but plays an important
symbolic role in society.
The emperor's birthday, a national holiday, is only one
of two days during the year when the public is allowed
behind the palace walls. On Thursday, hundreds of well
wishers cheered Akihito as he waved at them on the
balcony, accompanied by his family, including Naruhito.
Masako was absent, however. Kyodo.
Thursday, December 23, 2004
Japan USA military cooperation to be reinforced in 2005
A Japan-U.S. security statement to be released next year
will single out China and North Korea as sources of
instability and provide for closer military cooperation
between Tokyo and Washington against threats in the
Asia-Pacific region, a Japanese newspaper said on
Wednesday.
The report by the Nihon Keizai Shimbun newspaper
coincides with growing concern in Japan about China's
military build-up and North Korea's missile and nuclear
programmes.Designating China as a potential threat would
anger Beijing, already upset over a similar statement in
a sweeping review of Japan's defence policy this month.
Calls have emerged in Japan to revise the 1960
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty -- the pillar of Tokyo's
post-World War Two defence policy -- to accommodate U.S.
requests for Japan to host a U.S. Army command covering
the Pacific Rim as part of Washington's realignment of
its forces around the globe. Revising the treaty would
be politically difficult given lingering pacifism and
opposition to the tightening of U.S.-Japan security ties
since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks.
Most Japanese voters opposed Japan's deployment of
troops on a reconstruction mission in Iraq, its riskiest
military venture since 1945. The Nihon Keizai newspaper
said the two allies would not revise the bilateral
security treaty, which limits the role of U.S. troops
based in Japan to the Far East. Instead, they would
outline in a statement how Japan and the United States
would cope with threats such as terrorism, North Korea
and tensions between Taiwan and China, it said.
A Japanese military source said drafting the document
was likely to take several months. "We have to discuss
common strategic objectives, roles and missions, and the
U.S. military posture in this region and Japan in the
future," he said. Whether and how China would be
mentioned remained to be seen, but the source added: "We
have to discuss how to address common strategic
objectives, how we see the international environment.
We should discuss each issue, such as the Korean
peninsula, the Taiwan Strait, southeast Asia and the
global war on terrorism." In a revamped defence policy
this month, Japan mentioned China's military build-up as
a cause for concern along with the potential threat from
North Korea. Beijing denounced that designation as
"groundless and extremely irresponsible". Sino-Japanese
ties have grown frosty of late, most recently because of
Japan's decision to issue a visa to former Taiwan
President Lee Teng-hui to visit as a tourist. Beijing,
which sees self-ruled, democratic Taiwan as a renegade
Chinese province, has protested and urged Japan not to
let in the 81-year-old Lee, an outspoken advocate of
independence for Taiwan.
China, where bitter memories of Japan's past militarism
run deep, is also annoyed over Japanese Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi's annual visits to Yasukuni shrine,
where World War Two war criminals are honoured along
with Japan's other war dead.
will single out China and North Korea as sources of
instability and provide for closer military cooperation
between Tokyo and Washington against threats in the
Asia-Pacific region, a Japanese newspaper said on
Wednesday.
The report by the Nihon Keizai Shimbun newspaper
coincides with growing concern in Japan about China's
military build-up and North Korea's missile and nuclear
programmes.Designating China as a potential threat would
anger Beijing, already upset over a similar statement in
a sweeping review of Japan's defence policy this month.
Calls have emerged in Japan to revise the 1960
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty -- the pillar of Tokyo's
post-World War Two defence policy -- to accommodate U.S.
requests for Japan to host a U.S. Army command covering
the Pacific Rim as part of Washington's realignment of
its forces around the globe. Revising the treaty would
be politically difficult given lingering pacifism and
opposition to the tightening of U.S.-Japan security ties
since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks.
Most Japanese voters opposed Japan's deployment of
troops on a reconstruction mission in Iraq, its riskiest
military venture since 1945. The Nihon Keizai newspaper
said the two allies would not revise the bilateral
security treaty, which limits the role of U.S. troops
based in Japan to the Far East. Instead, they would
outline in a statement how Japan and the United States
would cope with threats such as terrorism, North Korea
and tensions between Taiwan and China, it said.
A Japanese military source said drafting the document
was likely to take several months. "We have to discuss
common strategic objectives, roles and missions, and the
U.S. military posture in this region and Japan in the
future," he said. Whether and how China would be
mentioned remained to be seen, but the source added: "We
have to discuss how to address common strategic
objectives, how we see the international environment.
We should discuss each issue, such as the Korean
peninsula, the Taiwan Strait, southeast Asia and the
global war on terrorism." In a revamped defence policy
this month, Japan mentioned China's military build-up as
a cause for concern along with the potential threat from
North Korea. Beijing denounced that designation as
"groundless and extremely irresponsible". Sino-Japanese
ties have grown frosty of late, most recently because of
Japan's decision to issue a visa to former Taiwan
President Lee Teng-hui to visit as a tourist. Beijing,
which sees self-ruled, democratic Taiwan as a renegade
Chinese province, has protested and urged Japan not to
let in the 81-year-old Lee, an outspoken advocate of
independence for Taiwan.
China, where bitter memories of Japan's past militarism
run deep, is also annoyed over Japanese Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi's annual visits to Yasukuni shrine,
where World War Two war criminals are honoured along
with Japan's other war dead.
Wednesday, December 22, 2004
Japan arms exports: used warships to Singapore, Malaysia
The government plans to sell decommissioned
Maritime Self-Defense Force and Japan Coast Guard
vessels to Singapore and Malaysia for use in combating
pirates and maritime terrorism in what would be an
exception to the national policy of not exporting arms,
the Yomiuri Shimbun reported Wednesday.
Japan will announce the exception to the policy to
Singapore and Malaysia in January, the newspaper said.
Under consideration for sale are vessels in the range of
1,000- and 2,000-ton class owned by the MSDF as well as
Coast Guard patrol boats, it said. When delivered, they
will be stripped of canons and other heavy weapons
systems that are not required for fighting pirates.
Maritime Self-Defense Force and Japan Coast Guard
vessels to Singapore and Malaysia for use in combating
pirates and maritime terrorism in what would be an
exception to the national policy of not exporting arms,
the Yomiuri Shimbun reported Wednesday.
Japan will announce the exception to the policy to
Singapore and Malaysia in January, the newspaper said.
Under consideration for sale are vessels in the range of
1,000- and 2,000-ton class owned by the MSDF as well as
Coast Guard patrol boats, it said. When delivered, they
will be stripped of canons and other heavy weapons
systems that are not required for fighting pirates.
Tuesday, December 21, 2004
Post-Helsinki: Turkey, Greece and the European Union
Post-Helsinki: Turkey, Greece and the European Union
Philip H. Gordon, Director, the Center on the United
States and France, and Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy
Studies
The European Union's December 1999 decision to accord
Turkey the status of official "candidate" was a historic
turning point that will have long-term benefits for the
entire eastern Mediterranean region.
The Helsinki outcome reinforces Turkey's European
orientation; provides a strong incentive for Ankara to
pursue its ongoing economic, political, and human rights
reform; bolsters Greece-Turkey relations; and eliminates
much of the deep resentment that many Turks felt toward
the EU following the December 1997 Luxembourg summit's
rejection of Turkey's candidacy.
The EU decision at Helsinki was the product of a number
of different factors. These included the 1998 election
of a Social Democratic government in Germany, replacing
the Christian Democratic regime that wanted to keep
Turkey at arm's length; the Kosovo conflict, which
demonstrated Turkey's role in European security and its
ability to cooperate with Greece; American pressure,
which was a persistent thorn in Europeans' side until
removed at Helsinki; and the policies of the Turkish
government led by Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, elected
in April 1999, which had already begun to implement a
range of important reforms.
No factor, however, was more important than the new
approach taken by the Greek government, spearheaded by
Foreign Minister George Papandreou. Papandreou's new
approach—based on the realization that a Europeanizing
Turkey was in Greece's own national interest—has not
only helped to improve Turkey's relationship with the
EU, but it has already begun to bring about improvements
in Greece-Turkey relations that would have seemed
impossible only a few years ago.
Some have argued that the EU's Helsinki decision was a
mistake that will only encourage Turkey to maintain
illusions about an EU membership that it will never, in
fact, attain. According to this logic, the EU should
have been frank with Turkey and made it clear that the
bloc will never include a large Muslim country, most of
whose territory lies beyond what is traditionally
considered to be Europe.
It will be many years before Turkey is ready for actual
accession. But refusing it even the prospect of eventual
membership—no matter how the country evolves in the
coming years—would have been a great mistake. Not only
would such a decision have sent Turkey-EU and
Turkey-Greece relations into a new tailspin, but it also
would have taken away one of Turkey's most powerful
incentives to pursue the types of policies and reforms
that Europeans claim to want to see.
Europe's postwar history is full of examples of
countries undertaking major reforms in the name of
Europe that they would not otherwise have
undertaken—Greece's recent fiscal discipline as a path
to joining Europe's Economic and Monetary Union is a
relevant example—and there is no reason this external
stimulus will not affect Turkey as well.
Indeed, evidence of this effect is already becoming
apparent. Since Helsinki, Turkish leaders have openly
discussed the possibility of allowing Kurdish-language
broadcasts and education, a longstanding European
demand; postponed implementation of the death sentence
of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan
in order to allow an appeal to be considered by the
European Court of Human Rights; talked about abolishing
the death penalty altogether; encouraged the
continuation of the first Cyprus talks to be held for
more than two years; made real efforts to improve their
human rights record; and moved forward with the
far-reaching economic reform program launched last
summer.
Not all of these things can be attributed to Turkey's
desire to join the EU, but there is no doubt that the
positive atmosphere at Helsinki and renewed hope for
eventual membership has inspired Turkey to stick to this
course.
Even more important has been the great improvement in
Greece-Turkey relations that certainly would not be
continuing had Greece and its fellow EU members made a
different choice at Helsinki. Indeed, the evolution of
Greece-Turkey relations over the past few months has
been remarkable, including the first visit by a Greek
foreign minister, Papandreou, to Turkey in 38 years;
bilateral agreements on trade and investment, organized
crime, illegal immigration, tourism, and the
environment; and the possibility that Greek and Turkish
forces will conduct exercises together in Greek
territory as part of NATO's Dynamic Mix military
maneuver.
Many of the bilateral agreements are substantively
significant, not least because of the great potential
for an increase in Greek-Turkish trade from its
currently low level of less than $1 billion per year.
But even more important is their demonstration of the
two countries' common interests. As Hikmet Cetin, a
former Turkish foreign minister has put it, "People in
Turkey, Greece and Cyprus now see that the two
governments can deal with each other in a positive way."
None of this is to say that Turkey's candidacy status
has somehow resolved all of Turkey's or the region's
problems, or that positive Turkey-EU relations are now
guaranteed. Turkey has a lot of hard work to do—on human
rights, on economic development, in resolving problems
with Greece, and in reducing the military's role in
government—before it will be in a position to meet the
EU's tough membership conditions.
In this sense, Prime Minister Ecevit's talk after
Helsinki of possibly joining the European Union in 2004
seems excessively optimistic. Turkish leaders, with
encouragement from the EU and the United States, would
do well to start managing expectations so that another
disappointment does not set Turkey-EU relations back
again. Hopefully, Turkey's December decision to, in
effect, declare victory and accept the EU's offer of
candidacy, despite what might have been seen as
conditions attached to it on Cyprus and the Aegean, was
a sign that Turkey is realistic about what must happen
before it can actually join the EU.
Where external relations are concerned, the greatest
obstacles to continued Turkey-EU rapprochement remain
Cyprus and the Aegean. Anyone who has followed these
issues over the years knows how difficult they will be
to resolve. But they should also know that, as long as
Turkey feels ostracized by Europe and has a hostile
relationship with Greece, these problems will never be
resolved, and there will remain an unhealthy gap between
Turkey and Europe.
Turkey is a big, proud country with a growing economy,
and it has always been unlikely to compromise on these
issues through outside pressure alone. A far better
approach is one that allows Turks and Greeks to see
their overwhelming common interest in cooperating on a
wide range of problems. Once this new attitude prevails
among Turks, Greeks and Europeans, even the hardest
bilateral problems will come to be seen in a new light,
and solutions may finally become possible.
That new mood, and the incentive that possible EU
membership provides for Turkey to make difficult
domestic changes, offer the possibility of dramatically
transforming Turkey-EU relations, and, with them, the
prospects for peace and prosperity in the entire eastern
Mediterranean region.
The Strategic Regional Report, February 2000
Philip H. Gordon, Director, the Center on the United
States and France, and Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy
Studies
The European Union's December 1999 decision to accord
Turkey the status of official "candidate" was a historic
turning point that will have long-term benefits for the
entire eastern Mediterranean region.
The Helsinki outcome reinforces Turkey's European
orientation; provides a strong incentive for Ankara to
pursue its ongoing economic, political, and human rights
reform; bolsters Greece-Turkey relations; and eliminates
much of the deep resentment that many Turks felt toward
the EU following the December 1997 Luxembourg summit's
rejection of Turkey's candidacy.
The EU decision at Helsinki was the product of a number
of different factors. These included the 1998 election
of a Social Democratic government in Germany, replacing
the Christian Democratic regime that wanted to keep
Turkey at arm's length; the Kosovo conflict, which
demonstrated Turkey's role in European security and its
ability to cooperate with Greece; American pressure,
which was a persistent thorn in Europeans' side until
removed at Helsinki; and the policies of the Turkish
government led by Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, elected
in April 1999, which had already begun to implement a
range of important reforms.
No factor, however, was more important than the new
approach taken by the Greek government, spearheaded by
Foreign Minister George Papandreou. Papandreou's new
approach—based on the realization that a Europeanizing
Turkey was in Greece's own national interest—has not
only helped to improve Turkey's relationship with the
EU, but it has already begun to bring about improvements
in Greece-Turkey relations that would have seemed
impossible only a few years ago.
Some have argued that the EU's Helsinki decision was a
mistake that will only encourage Turkey to maintain
illusions about an EU membership that it will never, in
fact, attain. According to this logic, the EU should
have been frank with Turkey and made it clear that the
bloc will never include a large Muslim country, most of
whose territory lies beyond what is traditionally
considered to be Europe.
It will be many years before Turkey is ready for actual
accession. But refusing it even the prospect of eventual
membership—no matter how the country evolves in the
coming years—would have been a great mistake. Not only
would such a decision have sent Turkey-EU and
Turkey-Greece relations into a new tailspin, but it also
would have taken away one of Turkey's most powerful
incentives to pursue the types of policies and reforms
that Europeans claim to want to see.
Europe's postwar history is full of examples of
countries undertaking major reforms in the name of
Europe that they would not otherwise have
undertaken—Greece's recent fiscal discipline as a path
to joining Europe's Economic and Monetary Union is a
relevant example—and there is no reason this external
stimulus will not affect Turkey as well.
Indeed, evidence of this effect is already becoming
apparent. Since Helsinki, Turkish leaders have openly
discussed the possibility of allowing Kurdish-language
broadcasts and education, a longstanding European
demand; postponed implementation of the death sentence
of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan
in order to allow an appeal to be considered by the
European Court of Human Rights; talked about abolishing
the death penalty altogether; encouraged the
continuation of the first Cyprus talks to be held for
more than two years; made real efforts to improve their
human rights record; and moved forward with the
far-reaching economic reform program launched last
summer.
Not all of these things can be attributed to Turkey's
desire to join the EU, but there is no doubt that the
positive atmosphere at Helsinki and renewed hope for
eventual membership has inspired Turkey to stick to this
course.
Even more important has been the great improvement in
Greece-Turkey relations that certainly would not be
continuing had Greece and its fellow EU members made a
different choice at Helsinki. Indeed, the evolution of
Greece-Turkey relations over the past few months has
been remarkable, including the first visit by a Greek
foreign minister, Papandreou, to Turkey in 38 years;
bilateral agreements on trade and investment, organized
crime, illegal immigration, tourism, and the
environment; and the possibility that Greek and Turkish
forces will conduct exercises together in Greek
territory as part of NATO's Dynamic Mix military
maneuver.
Many of the bilateral agreements are substantively
significant, not least because of the great potential
for an increase in Greek-Turkish trade from its
currently low level of less than $1 billion per year.
But even more important is their demonstration of the
two countries' common interests. As Hikmet Cetin, a
former Turkish foreign minister has put it, "People in
Turkey, Greece and Cyprus now see that the two
governments can deal with each other in a positive way."
None of this is to say that Turkey's candidacy status
has somehow resolved all of Turkey's or the region's
problems, or that positive Turkey-EU relations are now
guaranteed. Turkey has a lot of hard work to do—on human
rights, on economic development, in resolving problems
with Greece, and in reducing the military's role in
government—before it will be in a position to meet the
EU's tough membership conditions.
In this sense, Prime Minister Ecevit's talk after
Helsinki of possibly joining the European Union in 2004
seems excessively optimistic. Turkish leaders, with
encouragement from the EU and the United States, would
do well to start managing expectations so that another
disappointment does not set Turkey-EU relations back
again. Hopefully, Turkey's December decision to, in
effect, declare victory and accept the EU's offer of
candidacy, despite what might have been seen as
conditions attached to it on Cyprus and the Aegean, was
a sign that Turkey is realistic about what must happen
before it can actually join the EU.
Where external relations are concerned, the greatest
obstacles to continued Turkey-EU rapprochement remain
Cyprus and the Aegean. Anyone who has followed these
issues over the years knows how difficult they will be
to resolve. But they should also know that, as long as
Turkey feels ostracized by Europe and has a hostile
relationship with Greece, these problems will never be
resolved, and there will remain an unhealthy gap between
Turkey and Europe.
Turkey is a big, proud country with a growing economy,
and it has always been unlikely to compromise on these
issues through outside pressure alone. A far better
approach is one that allows Turks and Greeks to see
their overwhelming common interest in cooperating on a
wide range of problems. Once this new attitude prevails
among Turks, Greeks and Europeans, even the hardest
bilateral problems will come to be seen in a new light,
and solutions may finally become possible.
That new mood, and the incentive that possible EU
membership provides for Turkey to make difficult
domestic changes, offer the possibility of dramatically
transforming Turkey-EU relations, and, with them, the
prospects for peace and prosperity in the entire eastern
Mediterranean region.
The Strategic Regional Report, February 2000
Japan: "Single women in their 30s redefining societal roles", a local daily writes
Three terms have become popular this year for describing
women--makeinu (whipped dog), onibaba (ogre-like older
women) and sonatian, referring to enthusiastic fans of a
popular South Korean drama.
The phrases have often been misunderstood, sparking
criticism and feelings of solidarity. The situation
reflects the complex feelings of women who waver between
new and traditional values in life, such as finding
happiness in marriage and having children or choosing to
live one's own life in their own way.
Makeinu became a popular term after the book "Makeinu no
Toboe" (Whipped Dog's Howl), written by 38-year-old
Junko Sakai, became popular. Sakai referred to single,
childless women older than 30 as whipped dogs. The word
won a prize for being the most popular word of the year.
Many women respond to being called makeinu cynically,
saying, "I'm a whipped dog, so what?" Such an attitude
won empathy among women of the same generation.
Tsuda College Prof. Chizuru Misago, 46, an
epidemiologist who recently published a book titled
"Onibabaka Suru Onnatachi" (Women Who Turn Into Ogres)
in which she describes women as the ogres of traditional
folk tales. Misago warned, "Women store inborn energy
for sex and reproduction, eroding various parts of their
bodies."
Sonatian refers to Bae Yong Joon's fanatical fans who
obsess over him in the South Korean soap opera "Fuyu no
Sonata" (Winter Sonata), which has aired on NHK since
April. The soap opera has been credited with creating a
hanryu (Korean culture) boom. Tours to its filming sites
in South Korea have become very popular among
middle-aged and older women. Some estimate the economic
effect of the show has reached about 230 billion yen.
"I couldn't decide whether to get married in my early
30s or not. I've reached 35 this year, and I don't have
a boyfriend," said a Tokyo office worker.
She holds down a good job and lives with her parents.
Her 61-year-old mother cleans the house and does the
laundry. Although her parents get along well, she said
her 64-year-old father keeps saying that he is very busy
with his work as an excuse for not spending time with
her mother.
So, occasionally the office worker travels overseas with
her mother on vacation. Last month they visited spots
featured in "Fuyu no Sonata" on a four-day tour. Her
mother was the first of the two to become infatuated
with "Fuyu no Sonata."
"I'm a typical makeinu. My mother has turned herself
completely into a sonatian," the office worker said and
laughed.
The number of single women in their 30s is increasing.
According to the 2000 census, the number of women in
their early 30s who were unmarried reached 26.6 percent,
while that for women in their late 30s hit 13.8 percent,
rising twofold from the number in the census conducted
in 1990. The rate surges to more than 40 percent among
women in their early 30s who live in urban areas.
Clinical psychotherapist Sayoko Nobuta, 58, head of
Harajuku Counseling Center has been studying the
phenomenon for 10 years.
She has noticed general changes in the daughter-mother
relationships, as mothers who have lived their lives
according to traditional values do not recommend
marriage to their working daughters.
"Mothers have found hope in their daughters, who have
become financially independent, while daughters remember
very well the heavy burden and unhappiness their mothers
experienced when left with all the decision-making at
home by fathers that cared only for their companies.
This is why daughters are working so hard--they are
responding to their mothers' expectations," Nobuta said.
As many mothers reach an age where they can look back on
their lives, which they devoted to their families, they
tend to become obsessed with such dramas as "Fuyu no
Sonata," which emphasizes love rather than family life.
Tokyo University Assistant Prof. Kaori Hayashi, 41,
surveyed about 830 members of the audience at a "Fuyu no
Sonata" concert. She noticed that about half the women
in their 50s and 60s in the audience wrote that they did
not realize that a man could treat a woman so well and
protect them.
"Women of this age group supported corporate warriors.
Although they were supported financially, they were
frustrated by the lack of psychological protection.
Daughters are puzzled to see their mothers become
innocently infatuated with pure love," Nobuta said.
Women are becoming more selective and can choose to get
married or have a child. They live in the age and
society that has greater tolerance for such choices, but
experts have highlighted negative aspects of having such
choices.
One such expert is Misago who says makeinu eventually
turn into onibaba, while others criticize her for this
view. (Yomiuri 21 12 2004)
women--makeinu (whipped dog), onibaba (ogre-like older
women) and sonatian, referring to enthusiastic fans of a
popular South Korean drama.
The phrases have often been misunderstood, sparking
criticism and feelings of solidarity. The situation
reflects the complex feelings of women who waver between
new and traditional values in life, such as finding
happiness in marriage and having children or choosing to
live one's own life in their own way.
Makeinu became a popular term after the book "Makeinu no
Toboe" (Whipped Dog's Howl), written by 38-year-old
Junko Sakai, became popular. Sakai referred to single,
childless women older than 30 as whipped dogs. The word
won a prize for being the most popular word of the year.
Many women respond to being called makeinu cynically,
saying, "I'm a whipped dog, so what?" Such an attitude
won empathy among women of the same generation.
Tsuda College Prof. Chizuru Misago, 46, an
epidemiologist who recently published a book titled
"Onibabaka Suru Onnatachi" (Women Who Turn Into Ogres)
in which she describes women as the ogres of traditional
folk tales. Misago warned, "Women store inborn energy
for sex and reproduction, eroding various parts of their
bodies."
Sonatian refers to Bae Yong Joon's fanatical fans who
obsess over him in the South Korean soap opera "Fuyu no
Sonata" (Winter Sonata), which has aired on NHK since
April. The soap opera has been credited with creating a
hanryu (Korean culture) boom. Tours to its filming sites
in South Korea have become very popular among
middle-aged and older women. Some estimate the economic
effect of the show has reached about 230 billion yen.
"I couldn't decide whether to get married in my early
30s or not. I've reached 35 this year, and I don't have
a boyfriend," said a Tokyo office worker.
She holds down a good job and lives with her parents.
Her 61-year-old mother cleans the house and does the
laundry. Although her parents get along well, she said
her 64-year-old father keeps saying that he is very busy
with his work as an excuse for not spending time with
her mother.
So, occasionally the office worker travels overseas with
her mother on vacation. Last month they visited spots
featured in "Fuyu no Sonata" on a four-day tour. Her
mother was the first of the two to become infatuated
with "Fuyu no Sonata."
"I'm a typical makeinu. My mother has turned herself
completely into a sonatian," the office worker said and
laughed.
The number of single women in their 30s is increasing.
According to the 2000 census, the number of women in
their early 30s who were unmarried reached 26.6 percent,
while that for women in their late 30s hit 13.8 percent,
rising twofold from the number in the census conducted
in 1990. The rate surges to more than 40 percent among
women in their early 30s who live in urban areas.
Clinical psychotherapist Sayoko Nobuta, 58, head of
Harajuku Counseling Center has been studying the
phenomenon for 10 years.
She has noticed general changes in the daughter-mother
relationships, as mothers who have lived their lives
according to traditional values do not recommend
marriage to their working daughters.
"Mothers have found hope in their daughters, who have
become financially independent, while daughters remember
very well the heavy burden and unhappiness their mothers
experienced when left with all the decision-making at
home by fathers that cared only for their companies.
This is why daughters are working so hard--they are
responding to their mothers' expectations," Nobuta said.
As many mothers reach an age where they can look back on
their lives, which they devoted to their families, they
tend to become obsessed with such dramas as "Fuyu no
Sonata," which emphasizes love rather than family life.
Tokyo University Assistant Prof. Kaori Hayashi, 41,
surveyed about 830 members of the audience at a "Fuyu no
Sonata" concert. She noticed that about half the women
in their 50s and 60s in the audience wrote that they did
not realize that a man could treat a woman so well and
protect them.
"Women of this age group supported corporate warriors.
Although they were supported financially, they were
frustrated by the lack of psychological protection.
Daughters are puzzled to see their mothers become
innocently infatuated with pure love," Nobuta said.
Women are becoming more selective and can choose to get
married or have a child. They live in the age and
society that has greater tolerance for such choices, but
experts have highlighted negative aspects of having such
choices.
One such expert is Misago who says makeinu eventually
turn into onibaba, while others criticize her for this
view. (Yomiuri 21 12 2004)
Sunday, December 19, 2004
French Helios-II A, a new generation of military satellites
Helios-II A: EU Ariane rocket successfully placed into
orbit the first in a new generation of French military
satellites
Four so-called Essaim (Swarm) microsatellites, a
microsatellite called Parasol and Nanosat, a tiny
Spanish civilian research satellite were also
successfully separated from the rocket, which had
earlier taken off from the European Space Agency's
launchpad in French Guiana.
French defense minister Michele Alliot-Marie hailed the
successful launch, sending her congratulations to the
scientists from Paris, where she watched it live on
televison.
Helios II A is designed to have enhanced imaging in the
optical and infrared range and is designed to improve
military intelligence which will be used notably by
France, Belgium and Spain. It has a five year space
life.
The microsatellites are designed by French military
scientists as a testbed for new technologies in
electromagnetic surveillance.
Parasol is a microsatellite designed by French civilian
scientists to study cloud formations and aerosols in the
upper atmosphere, while Nanosat is also designed to
monitor atmospheric changes.
orbit the first in a new generation of French military
satellites
Four so-called Essaim (Swarm) microsatellites, a
microsatellite called Parasol and Nanosat, a tiny
Spanish civilian research satellite were also
successfully separated from the rocket, which had
earlier taken off from the European Space Agency's
launchpad in French Guiana.
French defense minister Michele Alliot-Marie hailed the
successful launch, sending her congratulations to the
scientists from Paris, where she watched it live on
televison.
Helios II A is designed to have enhanced imaging in the
optical and infrared range and is designed to improve
military intelligence which will be used notably by
France, Belgium and Spain. It has a five year space
life.
The microsatellites are designed by French military
scientists as a testbed for new technologies in
electromagnetic surveillance.
Parasol is a microsatellite designed by French civilian
scientists to study cloud formations and aerosols in the
upper atmosphere, while Nanosat is also designed to
monitor atmospheric changes.
Thursday, December 16, 2004
53% of Japanese distrust United States
Fifty-three percent of Japanese respondents to a poll
said they did not trust the United States, a figure far
higher than the 29 percent of Americans who said they
distrusted Japan, according to the findings of a joint
Yomiuri Shimbun-Gallup survey released Wednesday.
Despite this, many respondents said they believed that
the Japan-U.S. relationship remained on good terms.
The distrust of the United States among Japanese was the
highest recorded in the survey over the past five years,
a sentiment believed to have been caused by U.S.
policies regarding the governing of postwar Iraq.
Meanwhile, 71 percent of Japanese respondents said they
did not trust China, reflecting their deteriorating view
of the country due to the recent intrusion into Japanese
territorial waters by a Chinese nuclear-powered
submarine and other gripes related to China.
The telephone survey was conducted in the latter half of
last month, with 1,006 voters aged 20 or older in Japan
and 1,000 voters aged 18 or older in the United States
responding.
Pollees who said Japan-U.S. relations were good
increased nine percentage points from the previous year
to 49 percent in Japan, but dropped one point to 53
percent in the United States.
Regarding mutual trust, the number of Japanese
respondents who expressed distrust of the United States
soared eight points to 53 percent from last year, a
figure much higher than the 38 percent who said they
trusted the United States.
In 2000, the interview format was changed from
person-to-person interviews to telephone interviews, and
since last year the number of Japanese pollees who said
they distrusted the United States exceeded those who
said they trusted it.
The gap has widened from four percentage points to 15
percentage points, showing that distrust of the United
States has increased.
In the United States, the number of respondents who said
they trusted Japan was 67 percent, much higher than the
29 percent who expressed distrust of Japan, illustrating
a gap between Japanese and U.S. pollees in their
perceptions about each other.
The Iraq problem is believed to be the main reason
behind the Japanese pollees' distrust of the United
States, with 75 percent of them expressing discontent
about the governing of Iraq led by the United States.
Sixty-one percent of Japanese pollees said they did not
feel a fondness toward U.S. President George W. Bush,
who was reelected in November. In the United States, it
was 60 percent for Bush and 39 percent against him. Even
in the United States, 62 percent of the respondents said
they did not believe other countries had a liking for
the United States.
The Iraq war has created a rift between the United
States and Europe, resulting in a deepened sense of
isolation among Americans.
In Japan, 71 percent of the respondents said they did
not think other countries admired the United States.
Regarding their relationships with China, 59 percent of
the Japanese respondents described Japan-China relations
as poor as did 16 percent in the United States.
The number of Japanese who described their relationship
with China as poor jumped 28 percentage points from the
previous year and was the highest since the 2000 survey.
said they did not trust the United States, a figure far
higher than the 29 percent of Americans who said they
distrusted Japan, according to the findings of a joint
Yomiuri Shimbun-Gallup survey released Wednesday.
Despite this, many respondents said they believed that
the Japan-U.S. relationship remained on good terms.
The distrust of the United States among Japanese was the
highest recorded in the survey over the past five years,
a sentiment believed to have been caused by U.S.
policies regarding the governing of postwar Iraq.
Meanwhile, 71 percent of Japanese respondents said they
did not trust China, reflecting their deteriorating view
of the country due to the recent intrusion into Japanese
territorial waters by a Chinese nuclear-powered
submarine and other gripes related to China.
The telephone survey was conducted in the latter half of
last month, with 1,006 voters aged 20 or older in Japan
and 1,000 voters aged 18 or older in the United States
responding.
Pollees who said Japan-U.S. relations were good
increased nine percentage points from the previous year
to 49 percent in Japan, but dropped one point to 53
percent in the United States.
Regarding mutual trust, the number of Japanese
respondents who expressed distrust of the United States
soared eight points to 53 percent from last year, a
figure much higher than the 38 percent who said they
trusted the United States.
In 2000, the interview format was changed from
person-to-person interviews to telephone interviews, and
since last year the number of Japanese pollees who said
they distrusted the United States exceeded those who
said they trusted it.
The gap has widened from four percentage points to 15
percentage points, showing that distrust of the United
States has increased.
In the United States, the number of respondents who said
they trusted Japan was 67 percent, much higher than the
29 percent who expressed distrust of Japan, illustrating
a gap between Japanese and U.S. pollees in their
perceptions about each other.
The Iraq problem is believed to be the main reason
behind the Japanese pollees' distrust of the United
States, with 75 percent of them expressing discontent
about the governing of Iraq led by the United States.
Sixty-one percent of Japanese pollees said they did not
feel a fondness toward U.S. President George W. Bush,
who was reelected in November. In the United States, it
was 60 percent for Bush and 39 percent against him. Even
in the United States, 62 percent of the respondents said
they did not believe other countries had a liking for
the United States.
The Iraq war has created a rift between the United
States and Europe, resulting in a deepened sense of
isolation among Americans.
In Japan, 71 percent of the respondents said they did
not think other countries admired the United States.
Regarding their relationships with China, 59 percent of
the Japanese respondents described Japan-China relations
as poor as did 16 percent in the United States.
The number of Japanese who described their relationship
with China as poor jumped 28 percentage points from the
previous year and was the highest since the 2000 survey.
Monday, December 13, 2004
Tensin Deleg Rinpoche, 52, a Tibetan monk on death row in China still alive
A high-profile Tibetan monk on death row in China, whose
case has sparked a raft of international appeals, is
still alive and may have his sentence reduced, prison
system officials said.
"This monk has not been executed. I heard they're
considering changing his penalty to life imprisonment or
a fixed-term penalty," an official surnamed Zheng at the
southwest Sichuan province prison administrative bureau
said.
"It's because he behaved himself well in prison."
Tensin Deleg Rinpoche, 52, was sentenced to death in
2002 after being convicted of carrying out a 2002 bomb
attack in Sichuan province's Chengdu capital, charges
which he denied.
His sentence was suspended for two years and the
suspension expired on December 2, but China, which
referred to him as a "terrorist", had refused to say
what it planned to do with him.
The US Senate, the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama
and international human rights groups stepped up
pressure for his release in recent weeks.
Protest rallies were held in London, New Delhi and other
cities.
The prison official said he did not know when a decision
would be made on a possible sentence reduction.
Officials at the prison where Tensin Deleg is being
held, Chuanzhong Prison in Nanchong city in Sichuan,
refused to comment.
Another man Lobsang Dhondup, a 28-year-old activist, was
also convicted for the bomb attack that killed one
person and injured another and other blasts in the Ganzi
region of west Sichuan.
Lobsang Dhondup denied the charges but he was executed
in January 2003, stirring international uproar.
Last week China rejected a resolution by the US Senate
that called for the monk's release, saying the case fell
within "China's internal affairs" and related to
stamping out terrorism.
"Deleg undermined the security of society and conducted
terrorist bombing activities, he would be punished in
any country," foreign ministry spokeswoman Zhang Qiyue
said.
In the latest appeal, hundreds of Tibetans took to the
streets of New Delhi Friday in a silent protest march to
demand his freedom, saying Tensin Deleg was innocent and
was denied a fair trial.
Suspended death sentences in China are often cut to life
imprisonment but cases involving Tibetans are treated
differently because of the political sensitivity of
Tibet.
China has ruled Tibet since 1951 following an invasion
of the Himalayan region, considering it an "inalienable"
part of its territory.
Since then it has routinely tried to stamp out dissent,
jailing and executing those suspected of separatism.
China executes more people every year than the rest of
the world combined.
case has sparked a raft of international appeals, is
still alive and may have his sentence reduced, prison
system officials said.
"This monk has not been executed. I heard they're
considering changing his penalty to life imprisonment or
a fixed-term penalty," an official surnamed Zheng at the
southwest Sichuan province prison administrative bureau
said.
"It's because he behaved himself well in prison."
Tensin Deleg Rinpoche, 52, was sentenced to death in
2002 after being convicted of carrying out a 2002 bomb
attack in Sichuan province's Chengdu capital, charges
which he denied.
His sentence was suspended for two years and the
suspension expired on December 2, but China, which
referred to him as a "terrorist", had refused to say
what it planned to do with him.
The US Senate, the Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama
and international human rights groups stepped up
pressure for his release in recent weeks.
Protest rallies were held in London, New Delhi and other
cities.
The prison official said he did not know when a decision
would be made on a possible sentence reduction.
Officials at the prison where Tensin Deleg is being
held, Chuanzhong Prison in Nanchong city in Sichuan,
refused to comment.
Another man Lobsang Dhondup, a 28-year-old activist, was
also convicted for the bomb attack that killed one
person and injured another and other blasts in the Ganzi
region of west Sichuan.
Lobsang Dhondup denied the charges but he was executed
in January 2003, stirring international uproar.
Last week China rejected a resolution by the US Senate
that called for the monk's release, saying the case fell
within "China's internal affairs" and related to
stamping out terrorism.
"Deleg undermined the security of society and conducted
terrorist bombing activities, he would be punished in
any country," foreign ministry spokeswoman Zhang Qiyue
said.
In the latest appeal, hundreds of Tibetans took to the
streets of New Delhi Friday in a silent protest march to
demand his freedom, saying Tensin Deleg was innocent and
was denied a fair trial.
Suspended death sentences in China are often cut to life
imprisonment but cases involving Tibetans are treated
differently because of the political sensitivity of
Tibet.
China has ruled Tibet since 1951 following an invasion
of the Himalayan region, considering it an "inalienable"
part of its territory.
Since then it has routinely tried to stamp out dissent,
jailing and executing those suspected of separatism.
China executes more people every year than the rest of
the world combined.
Sunday, December 12, 2004
Japan new defense plan adopted. Targets: China and North Korea
Japan adopted new defense guidelines Friday, including
the relaxation of an arms-export ban that will
facilitate missile security with Washington, another
sign of Tokyo's move away from its postwar pacifism in
favor of greater military cooperation with its top ally.
The new plan marked the most significant overhaul of the
country's defense policy in a decade - a period during
which Tokyo has tried to increase security cooperation
with the United States - and comes a day after the
pro-U.S. government voted to keep Japanese troops in
Iraq on a humanitarian mission for another year past its
Dec. 14 deadline.
``This is about ensuring security and dealing with new
threats as the times change,'' Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi told reporters after the new plan was unveiled.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiroyuki Hosoda said the
government would ease Japan's ban on exporting weapons
to other countries in order to pursue a missile defense
program with Washington for security purposes. The plan
called for the easing, citing modern security threats,
including North Korean missiles, China's military
buildup and terrorism.
Japan has maintained the arms export ban since 1976 in
deference to its pacifist constitution, unchanged since
it was written by U.S. occupation forces after World War
II. The constitution renounces war and the use of force
in settling international disputes.
Yet Koizumi has stirred debate about constitutional
reform. He has backed an increasingly high-profile role
for Japan's military and closer security cooperation
with Washington, which maintains 50,000 troops here
under a security treaty.
Under his administration, Japan has 1,000 troops in Iraq
and neighboring countries engaged in non-combat
reconstruction work - the postwar military's largest and
most dangerous overseas operation. Earlier, in 2001,
Koizumi responded to the U.S. ``war on terror'' by
pushing through legislation to allow the navy to provide
logistical support to forces in Afghanistan.
Critics have said such efforts are chipping away at the
pacifist society Japan has built since its destruction
in World War II. The new guidelines played down such
fears, reiterating that Japan's military was not going
on the offensive.
``Our country, under our constitution, will adhere
exclusively to self-defense,'' the report said.
``Following our policy of not becoming a major military
power that would pose a threat to other countries, we
will secure civilian control.''
The plan, approved in a Cabinet meeting, also vowed to
maintain the country's policy of not making or
possessing nuclear weapons. Japan is the only country to
have been attacked with nuclear weapons, when the United
States twice hit the country in 1945.
The revisions threaten to alarm Asian neighbors, who
suffered under Japan's expansionist policies earlier
last century.
Both China and North Korea were singled out as regional
security concerns in the outline, which covers from 2005
to 2014.
China's efforts to build up and modernize its military,
as well as its expanded range of naval activities, have
been closely monitored by Japan. Tensions between the
two Asian powerhouses spiked last month, when a Chinese
nuclear submarine infiltrated Japanese waters and
prompted an alert.
Pyongyang has also grown into one of Tokyo's biggest
security worries. It test-fired a long-range ballistic
missile over Japan in 1998 and is believed to be
developing nuclear weapons.
ON JAPAN'S NEIGHBORS
-- "China, which has a great impact on security in this
region, is pushing ahead with enhancing its nuclear and
missile capabilities in modernizing its navy and air
force while expanding marine activities. We need to
continue to watch these moves in the future."
-- "North Korea is developing, deploying and
proliferating weapons of mass destruction and ballistic
missiles and maintains large-scale special units. These
military moves of North Korea are serious, destabilizing
factors for regional security."
-- Russian military power in the Far East has been
reduced greatly since the end of Cold War but there is
still uncertainty over the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan
Straits.
ON END OF BAN ON MILITARY EXPORTS
-- Japan will maintain a policy of not exporting
weapons, but will make an exception under "strict
control" for exports to the United States meant for
joint development and production of a missile shield,
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiroyuki Hosoda said in a
statement on the new guidelines.
Japan will decide whether to export weapons to the
United States or other countries for purposes other than
missile defense, such as measures to counter terrorism
or piracy, on a case-by-case basis, Hosoda said.
ON ALLIANCE WITH THE UNITED STATES
-- Japan's security alliance with the United States is
"indispensable," the guidelines said.
ON HOW TO DEFEND JAPAN
-- Japan will reduce its conventional arms buildup as
the possibility of a full-scale invasion has decreased
with the end of the Cold War.
-- Japanese troops need to be able to cope with
emergencies quickly and flexibly based on high
technology and efficient information gathering.
-- Japan will keep a watch for and take "appropriate
measures" against foreign intrusions into its air and
sea space.
-- Japan will build up its information-gathering
capability to detect threats.
ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
-- Japan will actively engage in international
peace-keeping activities in close cooperation with
diplomats.
ON FUTURE GUIDELINES
-- The new guidelines are for the coming 10 years but
could be revised in five years if a "serious change"
emerges in the security situation.
the relaxation of an arms-export ban that will
facilitate missile security with Washington, another
sign of Tokyo's move away from its postwar pacifism in
favor of greater military cooperation with its top ally.
The new plan marked the most significant overhaul of the
country's defense policy in a decade - a period during
which Tokyo has tried to increase security cooperation
with the United States - and comes a day after the
pro-U.S. government voted to keep Japanese troops in
Iraq on a humanitarian mission for another year past its
Dec. 14 deadline.
``This is about ensuring security and dealing with new
threats as the times change,'' Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi told reporters after the new plan was unveiled.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiroyuki Hosoda said the
government would ease Japan's ban on exporting weapons
to other countries in order to pursue a missile defense
program with Washington for security purposes. The plan
called for the easing, citing modern security threats,
including North Korean missiles, China's military
buildup and terrorism.
Japan has maintained the arms export ban since 1976 in
deference to its pacifist constitution, unchanged since
it was written by U.S. occupation forces after World War
II. The constitution renounces war and the use of force
in settling international disputes.
Yet Koizumi has stirred debate about constitutional
reform. He has backed an increasingly high-profile role
for Japan's military and closer security cooperation
with Washington, which maintains 50,000 troops here
under a security treaty.
Under his administration, Japan has 1,000 troops in Iraq
and neighboring countries engaged in non-combat
reconstruction work - the postwar military's largest and
most dangerous overseas operation. Earlier, in 2001,
Koizumi responded to the U.S. ``war on terror'' by
pushing through legislation to allow the navy to provide
logistical support to forces in Afghanistan.
Critics have said such efforts are chipping away at the
pacifist society Japan has built since its destruction
in World War II. The new guidelines played down such
fears, reiterating that Japan's military was not going
on the offensive.
``Our country, under our constitution, will adhere
exclusively to self-defense,'' the report said.
``Following our policy of not becoming a major military
power that would pose a threat to other countries, we
will secure civilian control.''
The plan, approved in a Cabinet meeting, also vowed to
maintain the country's policy of not making or
possessing nuclear weapons. Japan is the only country to
have been attacked with nuclear weapons, when the United
States twice hit the country in 1945.
The revisions threaten to alarm Asian neighbors, who
suffered under Japan's expansionist policies earlier
last century.
Both China and North Korea were singled out as regional
security concerns in the outline, which covers from 2005
to 2014.
China's efforts to build up and modernize its military,
as well as its expanded range of naval activities, have
been closely monitored by Japan. Tensions between the
two Asian powerhouses spiked last month, when a Chinese
nuclear submarine infiltrated Japanese waters and
prompted an alert.
Pyongyang has also grown into one of Tokyo's biggest
security worries. It test-fired a long-range ballistic
missile over Japan in 1998 and is believed to be
developing nuclear weapons.
ON JAPAN'S NEIGHBORS
-- "China, which has a great impact on security in this
region, is pushing ahead with enhancing its nuclear and
missile capabilities in modernizing its navy and air
force while expanding marine activities. We need to
continue to watch these moves in the future."
-- "North Korea is developing, deploying and
proliferating weapons of mass destruction and ballistic
missiles and maintains large-scale special units. These
military moves of North Korea are serious, destabilizing
factors for regional security."
-- Russian military power in the Far East has been
reduced greatly since the end of Cold War but there is
still uncertainty over the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan
Straits.
ON END OF BAN ON MILITARY EXPORTS
-- Japan will maintain a policy of not exporting
weapons, but will make an exception under "strict
control" for exports to the United States meant for
joint development and production of a missile shield,
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiroyuki Hosoda said in a
statement on the new guidelines.
Japan will decide whether to export weapons to the
United States or other countries for purposes other than
missile defense, such as measures to counter terrorism
or piracy, on a case-by-case basis, Hosoda said.
ON ALLIANCE WITH THE UNITED STATES
-- Japan's security alliance with the United States is
"indispensable," the guidelines said.
ON HOW TO DEFEND JAPAN
-- Japan will reduce its conventional arms buildup as
the possibility of a full-scale invasion has decreased
with the end of the Cold War.
-- Japanese troops need to be able to cope with
emergencies quickly and flexibly based on high
technology and efficient information gathering.
-- Japan will keep a watch for and take "appropriate
measures" against foreign intrusions into its air and
sea space.
-- Japan will build up its information-gathering
capability to detect threats.
ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
-- Japan will actively engage in international
peace-keeping activities in close cooperation with
diplomats.
ON FUTURE GUIDELINES
-- The new guidelines are for the coming 10 years but
could be revised in five years if a "serious change"
emerges in the security situation.
Give Japan's royal diplomacy a chance
by Fumio Kitamura.
Something is amiss within Japan's Imperial household.
For nearly a year now, the Crown Princess Masako has
suspended her official functions for "health reasons."
The public knew next to nothing about the details of her
disposition or the effectiveness of treatment, for
reasons that included the extreme lack of information
disclosed by the Imperial Household Agency and the
voluntary restraint on reporting exercised by Japan's
mass media.
Eventually, the cause of Princess Masako's impaired
health was disclosed in an unexpected manner. The Crown
Prince himself said during a press conference in May
that the Crown Princess had been "deeply distressed by
the fact that she was not freely permitted to pay
overseas visits, even though she considered promoting
international good will an important role to be played
by a member of the Imperial family."
He went further, stating flatly that "there were indeed
some moves purporting to dismiss Masako's career and her
personality based on that career."
It was an unprecedented event in the Imperial family,
bound by tradition and convention and cloaked in a heavy
shroud of secrecy. It was only after the Crown Prince's
comments that the Imperial Household Agency announced
Princess Masako's illness to be "stress-induced
adjustment disorder."
Taken together, the Crown Prince's comments and the
official announcement of the Crown Princess's illness
allows us to infer that she had been tormented by the
inability to fulfill her self-imposed duty of Imperial
diplomacy and by a myriad of related psychological
pressures.
Ordinary Japanese cannot fathom the kind of Imperial
diplomacy that the Crown Princess had been aspiring to.
Up to the mid-19th century, the fate of nations was
decided by the flamboyant and elegant diplomacy of
monarchs that was described as the "congress dances."
However, the epoch of absolute monarchy has long gone.
While several advanced countries still retain
monarchies, they do so under the "reigns but does not
rule" principle. Politicians and bureaucrats are the
central players in diplomatic negotiations. Members of
royalty are no longer diplomatic players in the true
sense of the word. Why then do we still refer to the
term "royal diplomacy"?
For today's royal houses, the opportunity for
international exchange lies mostly in ceremonial visits
to other countries -- attendance at royal weddings and
funerals and visits for good will and charity. Broad
attempts at contacting citizens of the receiving country
are made during the visits. Itineraries consists mainly
of attendance at charity events and concerts, art
exhibitions and sports events, as well as inspection
tours of kindergartens, universities, hospitals and
nursing homes. Almost without exception, royal diplomacy
is characterized by a schedule of events that are highly
visible to the mass media.
In today's information age, members of royalty attract
extra media attention as "noble celebrities." Their
graceful yet unassuming demeanor and friendly
conversations with the general public are magnified by
media reports. And the royal image thus created with
these goodwill visits has the effect of planting in the
minds of the general public an image of the country
whence they came.
The greatest function that can be expected of "royal
diplomacy" is creating a positive impression of the
society that has a constitutional monarchy.
Internal change within a royal household also tends to
signify social changes taking place in that particular
country. In the royal houses of Europe and the Middle
East, career women of common birth and foreign women
with a history of divorce are sometimes chosen as crown
princesses. Such news is received outside those
countries as an indication of democratic maturity and
tolerance not only by the royal house concerned but also
by that society as a whole.
Political leaders such as presidents and prime ministers
can seldom be expected to communicate a positive image
of their society to the outside world. While there are
no doubt many leaders with high-minded personalities,
power struggles are dogged by conspiracy, oppression and
treachery. There is no end to the number of political
leaders who have been stained by scandals involving
bribery and corruption, nepotism or illegal information
gathered against political rivals.
Severed from political power, today's constitutional
monarchies have been freed from the negative elements of
politics. Their transformation into such a detached role
has expanded the domains in which "royal diplomacy" can
be effective.
Crown Princess Masako is blessed with ample qualities
for pursuing "royal diplomacy." She was educated at the
best universities in America, Japan and Britain, is
fluent in several languages and has experienced
difficult diplomatic negotiations as a career diplomat.
She is an invaluable asset for communicating Japan's
good image abroad. That the Crown Princess has suddenly
disappeared from the public view and remains unable to
perform her official functions is indeed a considerable
loss in terms of promoting international exchange.
To help Princess Masako overcome her adjustment
disorder, we must alleviate and eliminate the
psychological pressure. According to media reports in
Japan and abroad, the greatest cause of pressure
apparently originates from her concern that she has yet
to produce a male heir to the Imperial throne. Many also
report that the Crown Princess also suffers from the
heavy sense of stagnation and isolation caused by
long-standing protocol that places excessive
restrictions on her freedom in daily life.
To restore a lively expression to Princess Masako's
face, it is essential to encourage more openness in the
Imperial institution and respect for the individual
freedom of Imperial family members. We must also
consider revising the Imperial Household Law, which
limits the right of succession to a male heir, and open
the way to accession of an empress.
[Fumio Kitamura is the former general manager of the FPC,
a former professor of Shukutoku University and former senior
editor and London bureau chief of the Yomiuri Shimbun.]
Something is amiss within Japan's Imperial household.
For nearly a year now, the Crown Princess Masako has
suspended her official functions for "health reasons."
The public knew next to nothing about the details of her
disposition or the effectiveness of treatment, for
reasons that included the extreme lack of information
disclosed by the Imperial Household Agency and the
voluntary restraint on reporting exercised by Japan's
mass media.
Eventually, the cause of Princess Masako's impaired
health was disclosed in an unexpected manner. The Crown
Prince himself said during a press conference in May
that the Crown Princess had been "deeply distressed by
the fact that she was not freely permitted to pay
overseas visits, even though she considered promoting
international good will an important role to be played
by a member of the Imperial family."
He went further, stating flatly that "there were indeed
some moves purporting to dismiss Masako's career and her
personality based on that career."
It was an unprecedented event in the Imperial family,
bound by tradition and convention and cloaked in a heavy
shroud of secrecy. It was only after the Crown Prince's
comments that the Imperial Household Agency announced
Princess Masako's illness to be "stress-induced
adjustment disorder."
Taken together, the Crown Prince's comments and the
official announcement of the Crown Princess's illness
allows us to infer that she had been tormented by the
inability to fulfill her self-imposed duty of Imperial
diplomacy and by a myriad of related psychological
pressures.
Ordinary Japanese cannot fathom the kind of Imperial
diplomacy that the Crown Princess had been aspiring to.
Up to the mid-19th century, the fate of nations was
decided by the flamboyant and elegant diplomacy of
monarchs that was described as the "congress dances."
However, the epoch of absolute monarchy has long gone.
While several advanced countries still retain
monarchies, they do so under the "reigns but does not
rule" principle. Politicians and bureaucrats are the
central players in diplomatic negotiations. Members of
royalty are no longer diplomatic players in the true
sense of the word. Why then do we still refer to the
term "royal diplomacy"?
For today's royal houses, the opportunity for
international exchange lies mostly in ceremonial visits
to other countries -- attendance at royal weddings and
funerals and visits for good will and charity. Broad
attempts at contacting citizens of the receiving country
are made during the visits. Itineraries consists mainly
of attendance at charity events and concerts, art
exhibitions and sports events, as well as inspection
tours of kindergartens, universities, hospitals and
nursing homes. Almost without exception, royal diplomacy
is characterized by a schedule of events that are highly
visible to the mass media.
In today's information age, members of royalty attract
extra media attention as "noble celebrities." Their
graceful yet unassuming demeanor and friendly
conversations with the general public are magnified by
media reports. And the royal image thus created with
these goodwill visits has the effect of planting in the
minds of the general public an image of the country
whence they came.
The greatest function that can be expected of "royal
diplomacy" is creating a positive impression of the
society that has a constitutional monarchy.
Internal change within a royal household also tends to
signify social changes taking place in that particular
country. In the royal houses of Europe and the Middle
East, career women of common birth and foreign women
with a history of divorce are sometimes chosen as crown
princesses. Such news is received outside those
countries as an indication of democratic maturity and
tolerance not only by the royal house concerned but also
by that society as a whole.
Political leaders such as presidents and prime ministers
can seldom be expected to communicate a positive image
of their society to the outside world. While there are
no doubt many leaders with high-minded personalities,
power struggles are dogged by conspiracy, oppression and
treachery. There is no end to the number of political
leaders who have been stained by scandals involving
bribery and corruption, nepotism or illegal information
gathered against political rivals.
Severed from political power, today's constitutional
monarchies have been freed from the negative elements of
politics. Their transformation into such a detached role
has expanded the domains in which "royal diplomacy" can
be effective.
Crown Princess Masako is blessed with ample qualities
for pursuing "royal diplomacy." She was educated at the
best universities in America, Japan and Britain, is
fluent in several languages and has experienced
difficult diplomatic negotiations as a career diplomat.
She is an invaluable asset for communicating Japan's
good image abroad. That the Crown Princess has suddenly
disappeared from the public view and remains unable to
perform her official functions is indeed a considerable
loss in terms of promoting international exchange.
To help Princess Masako overcome her adjustment
disorder, we must alleviate and eliminate the
psychological pressure. According to media reports in
Japan and abroad, the greatest cause of pressure
apparently originates from her concern that she has yet
to produce a male heir to the Imperial throne. Many also
report that the Crown Princess also suffers from the
heavy sense of stagnation and isolation caused by
long-standing protocol that places excessive
restrictions on her freedom in daily life.
To restore a lively expression to Princess Masako's
face, it is essential to encourage more openness in the
Imperial institution and respect for the individual
freedom of Imperial family members. We must also
consider revising the Imperial Household Law, which
limits the right of succession to a male heir, and open
the way to accession of an empress.
[Fumio Kitamura is the former general manager of the FPC,
a former professor of Shukutoku University and former senior
editor and London bureau chief of the Yomiuri Shimbun.]
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