A lot has been said and written on the Japan China
rivalry and antagonisms. Spring demonstrations in China
often happen while an agitated masses influenced by
China leadership strikes against the motto (campaign) of
the moment. Japanese government strongly protested on
Saturday a new wave of anti-Japan demonstrations in
China, saying Beijing should have prevented the
violence. «Even though information was available
beforehand to infer that there would be a demonstration,
nothing was done to prevent it and we strongly protest
to the Chinese government,» Japan's Foreign Ministry
said in a statement.
It denounced the «destructive and violent actions» of
the protesters and called anew for the Chinese
government to prevent a recurrence. Foreign Minister
Nobutaka Machimura was asked by reporters if he planned
to cancel a trip to Beijing on Sunday. «That option is
not out of the question, but at present we are
proceeding as planned,» Machimura was quoted as saying
by Akira Chiba, assistant press secretary at the
ministry. Anti-Japanese protests erupted Saturday in at
least three cities, including a demonstration by 20,000
people in Shanghai. Protesters last week damaged the
Japanese Embassy in Beijing and Japanese businesses, and
attacked three Japanese students. The tensions have been
fueled by lingering Chinese anger over Japan's wartime
aggression and anxieties at Tokyo's new military and
diplomatic ambitions, as well as a territorial dispute.
But most important is to try to analyze the contents of
both nations demands.
quotes:
"... if we want Japan to change its behavior, we have to
spell out what is expected of it. At the same time, I
should add that these kinds of issues cannot be solved
at a single stroke. What the Koreans and Chinese are
demanding (to the extent that it has anything to do with
Japan, which is another story) is not simply a concrete
set of actions, but a change in what they perceive to be
Japanese attitudes, and that change in attitude cannot
be guaranteed by a single, visible set of actions at
point X, but has to be manifested by a change in
Japanese word and deed at points X, Y, Z and beyond.
And they want that change of attitude both because of
the very real, human desire to have those you perceive
having done you wrong to be sorry for what they did - to
undergo some form of spiritual penance - but because
they believe that only when the Japanese people and
government recognize that what they did is wrong and
illegitimate will the danger that they will revert to
the same pattern of behavior be reduced. That is why
people who have studied efforts at fostering
reconciliation stress that it is a process, not an
event. One that takes a long time to come to an end.
For the Japanese to be willing to engage in such a
process they will have to be given some assurance that
apologies, when offered, will be accepted by the Koreans
and the Chinese. That there will be some pay off in
terms of creating a smoother and more healthy
relationship for doing this very painful, politically
(and potentially financially) costly thing...
The Japanese feel that they have been trying to
apologize for a decade, largely in vain. The old trope
that the Japanese suffer form historical amnesia is,
while not quite an "urban myth," vastly exaggerated. ..
... I have not made a systematic study of Japanese
textbooks, but I have found some pretty good research
which shows that there is far more open discussion of
Japanese atrocities, especially since the 1970s, than
the Iris Chang line of argument claims. As a result, the
Japanese are suffering from a sort of "apology fatigue,"
which is being exploited by those in Japan who are dead
set opposed to making any sort of apology for the past
because it would be injurious to the development of a
health sense of Japanese patriotism.
In the past, I had been hopeful that reconciliation
could be achieved at least in the context of the
ROK-Japan relationship, if not the Sino-Japanese one. At
the same time, I felt that it would be better if the
United States did not get involved in mediating such
disputes. This is an affair that the Asian parties would
be better off dealing with on their own.
In addition, I have always felt that the US as well has
a lot of historical baggage (Hiroshima-Nagasaki, the
Taft-Katsura agreement, No Gun Ri, General "Howler"
Smith and the pacification of the Philippines, etc.) and
that we would not want to encourage making apologies for
past misconduct a generalized principle.
I think that passions are getting to the point, however,
where even minor disputes run the risk of getting out of
hand, where a downward spiral in terms of Japan's
relations with its neighbors is now becoming
conceivable, and that in the process US relations with
all its Asian partners could be damaged...
... Is there anything that the US can do on this issue?
Or should we just stand on the sidelines and watch this
sad, sad game of mutual recrimination play itself out,
whatever the consequence?"
Thomas Berger Boston University (NBR extract)
end of quotes
Saturday, April 16, 2005
Rarely-Read Book Inspires Japan-China Rift
Concerning Japan's history, Chinese textbooks focus on
pre WW2 events and rarely mention contemporary Japan.
Teachers also mention they do not have time to teach
contemporary Japan society to their students. One has to
bear this in mind when one textbook among others
mentions China, in a way the Chinese leadership does not
really enjoy the content...
Quotes :
A nationalist textbook newly approved by the Tokyo
government is driving the deepest wedge in Japan-China
relations in decades, but few of the country's students
have ever read it.
Though given away for free, the book titled "New History
Textbook" is used by only 18 of 11,102 junior high
schools in Japan, reflecting many teachers' concerns
over its content. It has been denounced by the leading
teachers' union, and is well to the right wing of
mainstream public opinion.
Outside of Japan's classrooms, however, the textbook is
anything but obscure.
Since it was first approved by a government screening
panel four years ago, the textbook has been singled out
by Japan's neighbors as evidence the country is trying
to whitewash its militarist past.
And its unrepentant tone and omission of Japan's wartime
atrocities — including germ warfare and the forcing of
tens if not hundreds of thousands of women into
prostitution — have outraged many Japanese educators and
liberals.
It is now at the center of yet another regional rift.
The approval of the book's newest edition this month
fueled street protests in several Chinese cities,
threats of a boycott of Japanese products and violence
against at least two Japanese students, plunging
relations between the two Asian giants to their lowest
level in years.
Even North Korea has piped up, saying the Education
Ministry's approval of the text demonstrates the
nation's leaders are "political dwarfs."
The book's publishers claim surprise at the outcry.
"We only hope more schools choose our book," said
Fusosha spokeswoman Yoko Ishimaru, acknowledging the
textbook could have been more popular.
Only 10 public and eight private junior high schools use
the textbook, meaning it reaches just 0.1 percent of the
1.2 million seventh graders.
Teachers' concerns over the content have limited use of
the textbook, which covers all of Japan's history. The
current edition has 236 pages, only about 20 of which
deal with the 1920-1945 period, the height of Japanese
expansionism.
But those 20 pages are highly inflammatory, with
passages defending Japan's militarism as an attempt to
liberate Asia from western colonialism and claiming that
resource-poor Japan was pushed into a corner and used
aggression as a last resort. Similar logic was used by
Japan's wartime leaders.
Critics say the text underscores a disturbing, broader
trend.
"All history textbooks are shifting their focus away
from Japan's wartime atrocities," said Mikio Someya, a
spokesman for the liberal Japan Teachers' Association,
the country's leading teachers' union.
For example, he said, none of the textbooks approved
this month mentions Japan's official role in
establishing front-line brothels during the war.
Historians say as many as 200,000 women from Korea,
China, the Philippines, Taiwan and the Netherlands were
forced into sexual slavery for Japanese soldiers.
Japan's military also seized up to 800,000 men from
China, Korea and other Asian countries in the early
1900s and shipped them to Japan to work in coal mines
and ports under brutal conditions.
Tokyo has acknowledged its wartime offenses, but refuses
to compensate victims directly or apologize, saying all
government-level compensation was settled by postwar
treaties.
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has also
angered many Chinese and Koreans by repeatedly paying
his respects at a Shinto shrine honoring Japan's war
dead, including several war criminals.
Officials say the criticism of its textbook screening
process — and decision to approve the book in question —
is unfair.
They claim screening is intended only to ensure that
textbooks do not contain factual errors or express
interpretations of history that go beyond what most
scholars would consider defensible. It does not mean the
government agrees with everything on every page, they
say.
Critics, however, argue the process bolsters the
government's own right-leaning bias.
"They are approved because their contents reflect the
views of the government and conservative ruling party
members," said Yoshifumi Tawara, who heads Children and
Textbooks Japan Network 21, a liberal activist group. AP
end of quotes
pre WW2 events and rarely mention contemporary Japan.
Teachers also mention they do not have time to teach
contemporary Japan society to their students. One has to
bear this in mind when one textbook among others
mentions China, in a way the Chinese leadership does not
really enjoy the content...
Quotes :
A nationalist textbook newly approved by the Tokyo
government is driving the deepest wedge in Japan-China
relations in decades, but few of the country's students
have ever read it.
Though given away for free, the book titled "New History
Textbook" is used by only 18 of 11,102 junior high
schools in Japan, reflecting many teachers' concerns
over its content. It has been denounced by the leading
teachers' union, and is well to the right wing of
mainstream public opinion.
Outside of Japan's classrooms, however, the textbook is
anything but obscure.
Since it was first approved by a government screening
panel four years ago, the textbook has been singled out
by Japan's neighbors as evidence the country is trying
to whitewash its militarist past.
And its unrepentant tone and omission of Japan's wartime
atrocities — including germ warfare and the forcing of
tens if not hundreds of thousands of women into
prostitution — have outraged many Japanese educators and
liberals.
It is now at the center of yet another regional rift.
The approval of the book's newest edition this month
fueled street protests in several Chinese cities,
threats of a boycott of Japanese products and violence
against at least two Japanese students, plunging
relations between the two Asian giants to their lowest
level in years.
Even North Korea has piped up, saying the Education
Ministry's approval of the text demonstrates the
nation's leaders are "political dwarfs."
The book's publishers claim surprise at the outcry.
"We only hope more schools choose our book," said
Fusosha spokeswoman Yoko Ishimaru, acknowledging the
textbook could have been more popular.
Only 10 public and eight private junior high schools use
the textbook, meaning it reaches just 0.1 percent of the
1.2 million seventh graders.
Teachers' concerns over the content have limited use of
the textbook, which covers all of Japan's history. The
current edition has 236 pages, only about 20 of which
deal with the 1920-1945 period, the height of Japanese
expansionism.
But those 20 pages are highly inflammatory, with
passages defending Japan's militarism as an attempt to
liberate Asia from western colonialism and claiming that
resource-poor Japan was pushed into a corner and used
aggression as a last resort. Similar logic was used by
Japan's wartime leaders.
Critics say the text underscores a disturbing, broader
trend.
"All history textbooks are shifting their focus away
from Japan's wartime atrocities," said Mikio Someya, a
spokesman for the liberal Japan Teachers' Association,
the country's leading teachers' union.
For example, he said, none of the textbooks approved
this month mentions Japan's official role in
establishing front-line brothels during the war.
Historians say as many as 200,000 women from Korea,
China, the Philippines, Taiwan and the Netherlands were
forced into sexual slavery for Japanese soldiers.
Japan's military also seized up to 800,000 men from
China, Korea and other Asian countries in the early
1900s and shipped them to Japan to work in coal mines
and ports under brutal conditions.
Tokyo has acknowledged its wartime offenses, but refuses
to compensate victims directly or apologize, saying all
government-level compensation was settled by postwar
treaties.
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has also
angered many Chinese and Koreans by repeatedly paying
his respects at a Shinto shrine honoring Japan's war
dead, including several war criminals.
Officials say the criticism of its textbook screening
process — and decision to approve the book in question —
is unfair.
They claim screening is intended only to ensure that
textbooks do not contain factual errors or express
interpretations of history that go beyond what most
scholars would consider defensible. It does not mean the
government agrees with everything on every page, they
say.
Critics, however, argue the process bolsters the
government's own right-leaning bias.
"They are approved because their contents reflect the
views of the government and conservative ruling party
members," said Yoshifumi Tawara, who heads Children and
Textbooks Japan Network 21, a liberal activist group. AP
end of quotes
Wednesday, April 13, 2005
ITER : France ' s choice
Our sources confirm.
ITER will start in France, Cadarache.
Partnership will expand. Japan is also welcome.
Energy is everybody's business.
JjL
ITER will start in France, Cadarache.
Partnership will expand. Japan is also welcome.
Energy is everybody's business.
JjL
Japan getting nuclear deterrence?
How much plutonium (Pu) does Japan exactly own? How are
Japan rockets doing? Is the Ballistic missile enough in
tomorrow's world? What if Japan becomes nuclear?
Here is an expert view on the last question :
"Japan sees little reason to develop nuclear weapons. I
would note, however, that it is possible to construct an
equally compelling logical argument that Japan should
develop a strategic deterrent... From a US perspective,
the current situation has some advantages. The Japanese
are looking to us more than ever for support, and are
willing to do more than ever in response. At the same
time, there are some worrying trends - especially in
connection with the increasingly emotional disputes over
history, the contested territories around Japan - the
Northern territories/Kurile islands, Takeshima/Tokdo and
Senakaku/Diaoyutai, as well as the abductees. There may
be some risk that for the first time in the history of
the MST system that it is the United States that faces
the threat of entanglement through its strategic
relationship with Japan, and not the other way around.
At the same time, the potential costs of disappointing
Japan on these issues may also be going up. How the US
should respond to these trends - whether it should
ignore them and reap the benefits of Japanese isolation,
or whether it should try - if perhaps only indirectly -
to mediate some of these disputes - is an issue..."
Thomas Berger Boston University (NBR forum extract)
end of quotes
Japan rockets doing? Is the Ballistic missile enough in
tomorrow's world? What if Japan becomes nuclear?
Here is an expert view on the last question :
"Japan sees little reason to develop nuclear weapons. I
would note, however, that it is possible to construct an
equally compelling logical argument that Japan should
develop a strategic deterrent... From a US perspective,
the current situation has some advantages. The Japanese
are looking to us more than ever for support, and are
willing to do more than ever in response. At the same
time, there are some worrying trends - especially in
connection with the increasingly emotional disputes over
history, the contested territories around Japan - the
Northern territories/Kurile islands, Takeshima/Tokdo and
Senakaku/Diaoyutai, as well as the abductees. There may
be some risk that for the first time in the history of
the MST system that it is the United States that faces
the threat of entanglement through its strategic
relationship with Japan, and not the other way around.
At the same time, the potential costs of disappointing
Japan on these issues may also be going up. How the US
should respond to these trends - whether it should
ignore them and reap the benefits of Japanese isolation,
or whether it should try - if perhaps only indirectly -
to mediate some of these disputes - is an issue..."
Thomas Berger Boston University (NBR forum extract)
end of quotes
Tuesday, April 12, 2005
China Doesn't Condone Anti-Japanese Violences, Japan says China is "scary"! Back to the Future?
Japan and China are currently making arrangements to
hold talks between their foreign ministers in Beijing on
April 17...
Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura is expected to use
the opportunity to urge his Chinese counterpart, Li
Zhaoxing, to take steps to prevent such vandalism.
Thousands of Chinese protesters marched in Beijing,
accusing Tokyo of distorting its wartime past and urging
a boycott of Japanese products. Some participants
hurled rocks, eggs and plastic bottles at the embassy
and the ambassador's residence as well as restaurants
and a bank.
No official figures were announced, but estimates of the
number of anti-Japanese protesters in the demonstration
ranged from 10,000 to 20,000. It is believed to be the
first major anti-Japanese demonstration in Beijing since
the two countries normalized relations in 1972.
About 20 window panes were broken at the embassy,
according to a Japanese Embassy official. Tensions
between the two countries have flared in recent weeks
over claims new Japanese textbooks fail to accurately
report atrocities committed during the country's
occupation of China before and during World War II, most
notably the Nanjing massacre in 1937 in which hundreds
of thousands of civilians died. The textbook also
states Japan owns another set of islands it calls
Senkaku -- a claim which the Chinese dispute. China
calls the islands the Diaoyu.
When asked if China would apologize to Japan Foreign
Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said the demonstration ``was
a completely spontaneous'' reaction by the Chinese
people. Qin also said China had deployed police to
ensure the safety of employees working in the Japanese
embassy and in China.
China opposes Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the
United Nation's Security Council and continues to
criticize annual visits by Japanese prime ministers to a
shrine honoring war criminals among the nation's honored
heroes.
Here we are.
Japan and China ministers are to meet April 17th... ?
History is (not) to repeat itself. Still, April 17 is
not a very good memory for China.
Apr. 17, 1895, ending the First Sino-Japanese War,
Shimonoseki Treaty was negotiated and signed by Ito
Hirobumi for Japan and Li Hung-chang for China.
Harsh terms were imposed on a badly defeated China. The
treaty provided for the end of Chinese suzerainty over
Korea, giving Korea independence, and for the cession to
Japan of Taiwan, the Pescadores islands, and Port Arthur
and the Liaodong peninsula. Japan also imposed a large
indemnity and forced China to open five new treaty
ports.
A week after the treaty was signed, however, Russia,
France, and Germany together—in the so-called Triple
Intervention—demanded that Japan renounce claims to Port
Arthur and the Liaodong peninsula. Japan reluctantly
agreed (Nov., 1895), but China was forced to pay an
additional indemnity.
Quotes : Signed at Shimonoseki 17 April 1895 the
"Peace" treaty entered into Force 8 May 1895 by the
exchange of the instruments of ratification at Chefoo
after war :
"His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the
Emperor of China, desiring to restore the blessings of
peace to their countries and subjects and to remove all
cause for future complications, have named as their
Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of concluding a Treaty
of Peace, that is to say:
His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Count ITO Hirobumi,
Junii, Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Paullownia,
Minister President of State; and Viscount MUTSU
Munemitsu, Junii, First Class of the Imperial Order of
the Sacred Treasure, Minister of State for Foreign
Affairs.
And His Majesty the Emperor of China, LI Hung-chang,
Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand
Secretary of State, Minister Superintendent of Trade for
the Northern Ports of China, Viceroy of the province of
Chili, and Earl of the First Rank; and LI Ching-fong,
Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the Second
Official Rank:
Who, after having exchanged their full powers, which
were found to be in good and proper form, have agreed to
the following Articles:—
Article 1
China recognises definitively the full and complete
independence and autonomy of Korea, and, in consequence,
the payment of tribute and the performance of ceremonies
and formalities by Korea to China, in derogation of such
independence and autonomy, shall wholly cease for the
future.
Article 2
China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty
the following territories, together with all
fortifications, arsenals, and public property thereon:—
(a) The southern portion of the province of Fêngtien
within the following boundaries [1]:
The line of demarcation begins at the mouth of the River
Yalu and ascends that stream to the mouth of the River
An-ping, from thence the line runs to Fêng-huang, from
thence to Hai-cheng, from thence to Ying-kow, forming a
line which describes the southern portion of the
territory. The places above named are included in the
ceded territory. When the line reaches the River Liao
at Ying-kow, it follows the course of the stream to its
mouth, where it terminates. The mid-channel of the
River Liao shall be taken as the line of demarcation.
This cession also includes all islands appertaining or
belonging to the province of Fêngtien situated in the
eastern portion of the Bay of Liao-tung and the northern
portion of the Yellow Sea.
(b) The island of Formosa, together with all islands
appertaining or belonging to the said island of Formosa.
(c) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands
lying between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude
east of Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north
latitude.
Article 3 [2]
The alignment of the frontiers described in the
preceding Article, and shown on the annexed map, shall
be subject to verification and demarcation on the spot
by a Joint Commission of Delimitation, consisting of two
or more Japanese and two or more Chinese delegates, to
be appointed immediately after the exchange of the
ratifications of this Act. In case the boundaries laid
down in this Act are found to be defective at any point,
either on account of topography or in consideration of
good administration, it shall also be the duty of the
Delimitation Commission to rectify the same. The
Delimitation Commission will enter upon its duties as
soon as possible, and will bring its labours to a
conclusion within the period of one year after
appointment. The alignments laid down in this Act
shall, however, be maintained until the rectifications
of the Delimitation Commission, if any are made, shall
have received the approval of the Governments of Japan
and China.
Article 4
China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum
of 200,000,000 Kuping taels; the said sum to be paid in
eight installments. The first installment of 50,000,000
taels to be paid within six months, and the second
installment of 50,000,000 to be paid within twelve
months, after the exchange of the ratifications of this
Act. The remaining sum to be paid in six equal
installments as follows: the first of such equal annual
installments to be paid within two years, the second
within three years, the third within four years, the
fourth within five years, the fifth within six years,
and the the sixth within seven years, after the exchange
of the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate
of 5 per centum per annum shall begin to run on all
unpaid portions of the said indemnity from the date the
first installment falls due. China shall, however, have
the right to pay by anticipation at any time any or all
of the said installments. In case the whole amount of
the said indemnity is paid within three years after the
exchange of the ratifications of the present Act all
interest shall be waived, and the interest for two years
and a half or for any less period, if any already paid,
shall be included as part of the principal amount of the
indemnity.
Article 5
The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who
wish to take up their residence outside the ceded
districts shall be at liberty to sell their real
property and retire. For this purpose a period of two
years from the date of the exchange of ratifications of
the present Act shall be granted. At the expiration of
that period those of the inhabitants who shall not have
left such territories shall, at the option of Japan, be
deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two
Governments shall, immediately upon the exchange of the
ratifications of the present Act, send one or more
Commissioners to Formosa to effect a final transfer of
that province, and within the space of two months after
the exchange of the ratifications of this Act such
transfer shall be completed.
Article 6
All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an
end as a consequence of war, China engages, immediately
upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to
appoint Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese
Plenipotentiaries, a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation
and a Convention to regulate Frontier Intercourse and
Trade. The Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now
subsisting between China and the European Powers shall
serve as a basis for the said Treaty and Convention
between Japan and China. From the date of the exchange
of ratifications of this Act until the said Treaty and
Convention are brought into actual operation, the
Japanese Governments, its officials, commerce,
navigation, frontier intercourse and trade, industries,
ships, and subjects, shall in every respect be accorded
by China most favoured nation treatment.
China makes, in addition, the following concessions, to
take effect six months after the date of the present
Act:—
First.—The following cities, towns, and ports, in
addition to those already opened, shall be opened to the
trade, residence, industries, and manufactures of
Japanese subjects, under the same conditions and with
the same privileges and facilities as exist at the
present open cities, towns, and ports of China: 1.
Shashih, in the province of Hupeh. 2. Chungking, in
the province of Szechwan. 3. Suchow, in the province
of Kiangsu. 4. Hangchow, in the province of Chekiang.
The Japanese Government shall have the right to station
consuls at any or all of the above named places.
Second.—Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese
flag, for the conveyance of passengers and cargo, shall
be extended to the following places: 1. On the Upper
Yangtze River, from Ichang to Chungking. 2. On the
Woosung River and the Canal, from Shanghai to Suchow and
Hangchow.
The rules and regulations that now govern the navigation
of the inland waters of China by Foreign vessels shall,
so far as applicable, be enforced, in respect to the
above named routes, until new rules and regulations are
conjointly agreed to.
Third.—Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in
the interior of China, or transporting imported
merchandise into the interior of China, shall have the
right temporarily to rent or hire warehouses for the
storage of the articles so purchased or transported
without the payment of any taxes or extractions
whatever.
Fourth.—Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all
kinds of manufacturing industries in all the open
cities, towns, and ports of China, and shall be at
liberty to import into China all kinds of machinery,
paying only the stipulated import duties thereon.
All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects in China
shall, in respect of inland transit and internal taxes,
duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds, and also in
respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the
interior of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy
the same privileges and exemptions as merchandise
imported by Japanese subjects into China.
In the event additional rules and regulations are
necessary in connexion with these concessions, they
shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce and
Navigation provided for by this Article.
Article 7
Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding
Article, the evacuation of China by the armies of Japan
shall be completely effected within three months after
the exchange of the ratificatioins of the present Act.
Article 8
As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the
stipulations of this Act, China consents to the
temporary occupation by the military forces of Japan of
Weihaiwei, in the province of Shantung. [3] Upon
payment of the first two installments of the war
indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the
ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and navigation,
the said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese
forces, provided the Chinese Government consents to
pledge, under suitable and sufficient arrangements, the
Customs revenue of China as security for the payment of
the principal and interest of the remaining installments
of the said indemnity. In the event that no such
arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only
take place upon the payment of the final installment of
said indemnity. It is, however, expressly understood
that no such evacuation shall take place until after the
exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce
and Navigation.
Article 9
Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of
this Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be
restored, and China undertakes not to ill-treat or
punish prisoners of war so restored to her by Japan.
China also engages to at once release all Japanese
subjects accused of being military spies or charged with
any other military offenses. China further engages not
to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be punished,
those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been
compromised in their relations with the Japanese army
during the war.
Article 10
All offensive military operations shall cease upon the
exchange of the ratifications of this Act.
Article 11
The present Act shall be ratified by their Majesties the
Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of China, and the
ratifications shall be exchanged at Chefoo on the 8th
day of the 5th month of the 28th year of MEIJI,
corresponding to the 14th day of the 4th month of the
21st year of KUANG HSÜ. In witness whereof the
respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same and
affixed thereto the seal of their arms. Done in
Shimonoseki, in duplicate, this 17th day of the fourth
month of the 28th year of MEIJI, corresponding to the
23rd day of the 3rd month of the 21st year of KUANG HSÜ.
Count ITO HIROBUMI, [L.S.] Junii, Grand Cross of the
Imperial Order of Paullownia Minister President of State
Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan
Viscount MUTSU MUNEMITSU, [L.S.] Junii, First Class of
the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure Minister of
State for Foreign Affairs Plenipotentiary of His Majesty
the Emperor of Japan
LI HUNG-CHANG, [L.S.] Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the
Emperor of China Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent
Senior Grand Secretary of State Minister Superintendent
of Trade for the Northern Ports of China Viceroy of the
province of Chili Earl of the First Rank
LI CHING-FONG Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor
of China Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the
Second Official Rank.
end of quotes"
annex :
Portrait of Ito Hirobumi
1841–1909, Japanese statesman, the outstanding figure in
the modernization of Japan. As a young Choshu samurai,
he was a xenophobe. In 1863 he visited Europe, studied
science in England, and became convinced of the
necessity of adopting Western ways. After the Meiji
restoration, Ito served in the ministries of foreign
affairs, finance, and industry. He was a member of the
mission sent abroad (1871) under Prince Iwakura to
revise the unequal treaties with the Western powers and
study Western technology. In 1873, Ito became a member
of the ruling council and worked to modernize Japan and
solidify the power of the oligarchs. By 1881 he forced
Shigenobu Okuma to resign and thus became the foremost
political power in Japan.
In 1882 he headed the mission sent abroad to study
foreign governments. Returning, he established a
cabinet and civil service (1885) and a privy council
(1888), which he headed. He supervised (1883–89) the
drafting of the constitution of 1889 and was intimate
adviser to the emperor. In 1885 he negotiated the
Li-Ito Convention, which postponed war with China over
Korea. As prime minister (1892–96) he supported the
Sino-Japanese War and negotiated the Treaty of
Shimonoseki. After the war he became a supporter of
party government, opposing Prince Yamagata. He was the
first president of the Seiyukai party. Again prime
minister (1898, 1900–1901), he tried to negotiate a
peaceful settlement with Russia, but, failing, was
forced to increase military appropriations.
From 1901 to 1913 the premiership alternated between his
protégé, Kimmochi Saionji, and Taro Katsura, a follower
of Yamagata. In 1905, Ito forced an agreement making
Korea a virtual protectorate of Japan and became (1906)
resident general there. His assassination by a Korean
in 1909 served as a pretext for annexation of Korea.
JjL (& British Library & Shimonoseki city archives)
hold talks between their foreign ministers in Beijing on
April 17...
Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura is expected to use
the opportunity to urge his Chinese counterpart, Li
Zhaoxing, to take steps to prevent such vandalism.
Thousands of Chinese protesters marched in Beijing,
accusing Tokyo of distorting its wartime past and urging
a boycott of Japanese products. Some participants
hurled rocks, eggs and plastic bottles at the embassy
and the ambassador's residence as well as restaurants
and a bank.
No official figures were announced, but estimates of the
number of anti-Japanese protesters in the demonstration
ranged from 10,000 to 20,000. It is believed to be the
first major anti-Japanese demonstration in Beijing since
the two countries normalized relations in 1972.
About 20 window panes were broken at the embassy,
according to a Japanese Embassy official. Tensions
between the two countries have flared in recent weeks
over claims new Japanese textbooks fail to accurately
report atrocities committed during the country's
occupation of China before and during World War II, most
notably the Nanjing massacre in 1937 in which hundreds
of thousands of civilians died. The textbook also
states Japan owns another set of islands it calls
Senkaku -- a claim which the Chinese dispute. China
calls the islands the Diaoyu.
When asked if China would apologize to Japan Foreign
Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said the demonstration ``was
a completely spontaneous'' reaction by the Chinese
people. Qin also said China had deployed police to
ensure the safety of employees working in the Japanese
embassy and in China.
China opposes Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the
United Nation's Security Council and continues to
criticize annual visits by Japanese prime ministers to a
shrine honoring war criminals among the nation's honored
heroes.
Here we are.
Japan and China ministers are to meet April 17th... ?
History is (not) to repeat itself. Still, April 17 is
not a very good memory for China.
Apr. 17, 1895, ending the First Sino-Japanese War,
Shimonoseki Treaty was negotiated and signed by Ito
Hirobumi for Japan and Li Hung-chang for China.
Harsh terms were imposed on a badly defeated China. The
treaty provided for the end of Chinese suzerainty over
Korea, giving Korea independence, and for the cession to
Japan of Taiwan, the Pescadores islands, and Port Arthur
and the Liaodong peninsula. Japan also imposed a large
indemnity and forced China to open five new treaty
ports.
A week after the treaty was signed, however, Russia,
France, and Germany together—in the so-called Triple
Intervention—demanded that Japan renounce claims to Port
Arthur and the Liaodong peninsula. Japan reluctantly
agreed (Nov., 1895), but China was forced to pay an
additional indemnity.
Quotes : Signed at Shimonoseki 17 April 1895 the
"Peace" treaty entered into Force 8 May 1895 by the
exchange of the instruments of ratification at Chefoo
after war :
"His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the
Emperor of China, desiring to restore the blessings of
peace to their countries and subjects and to remove all
cause for future complications, have named as their
Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of concluding a Treaty
of Peace, that is to say:
His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Count ITO Hirobumi,
Junii, Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Paullownia,
Minister President of State; and Viscount MUTSU
Munemitsu, Junii, First Class of the Imperial Order of
the Sacred Treasure, Minister of State for Foreign
Affairs.
And His Majesty the Emperor of China, LI Hung-chang,
Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand
Secretary of State, Minister Superintendent of Trade for
the Northern Ports of China, Viceroy of the province of
Chili, and Earl of the First Rank; and LI Ching-fong,
Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the Second
Official Rank:
Who, after having exchanged their full powers, which
were found to be in good and proper form, have agreed to
the following Articles:—
Article 1
China recognises definitively the full and complete
independence and autonomy of Korea, and, in consequence,
the payment of tribute and the performance of ceremonies
and formalities by Korea to China, in derogation of such
independence and autonomy, shall wholly cease for the
future.
Article 2
China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty
the following territories, together with all
fortifications, arsenals, and public property thereon:—
(a) The southern portion of the province of Fêngtien
within the following boundaries [1]:
The line of demarcation begins at the mouth of the River
Yalu and ascends that stream to the mouth of the River
An-ping, from thence the line runs to Fêng-huang, from
thence to Hai-cheng, from thence to Ying-kow, forming a
line which describes the southern portion of the
territory. The places above named are included in the
ceded territory. When the line reaches the River Liao
at Ying-kow, it follows the course of the stream to its
mouth, where it terminates. The mid-channel of the
River Liao shall be taken as the line of demarcation.
This cession also includes all islands appertaining or
belonging to the province of Fêngtien situated in the
eastern portion of the Bay of Liao-tung and the northern
portion of the Yellow Sea.
(b) The island of Formosa, together with all islands
appertaining or belonging to the said island of Formosa.
(c) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands
lying between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude
east of Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north
latitude.
Article 3 [2]
The alignment of the frontiers described in the
preceding Article, and shown on the annexed map, shall
be subject to verification and demarcation on the spot
by a Joint Commission of Delimitation, consisting of two
or more Japanese and two or more Chinese delegates, to
be appointed immediately after the exchange of the
ratifications of this Act. In case the boundaries laid
down in this Act are found to be defective at any point,
either on account of topography or in consideration of
good administration, it shall also be the duty of the
Delimitation Commission to rectify the same. The
Delimitation Commission will enter upon its duties as
soon as possible, and will bring its labours to a
conclusion within the period of one year after
appointment. The alignments laid down in this Act
shall, however, be maintained until the rectifications
of the Delimitation Commission, if any are made, shall
have received the approval of the Governments of Japan
and China.
Article 4
China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum
of 200,000,000 Kuping taels; the said sum to be paid in
eight installments. The first installment of 50,000,000
taels to be paid within six months, and the second
installment of 50,000,000 to be paid within twelve
months, after the exchange of the ratifications of this
Act. The remaining sum to be paid in six equal
installments as follows: the first of such equal annual
installments to be paid within two years, the second
within three years, the third within four years, the
fourth within five years, the fifth within six years,
and the the sixth within seven years, after the exchange
of the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate
of 5 per centum per annum shall begin to run on all
unpaid portions of the said indemnity from the date the
first installment falls due. China shall, however, have
the right to pay by anticipation at any time any or all
of the said installments. In case the whole amount of
the said indemnity is paid within three years after the
exchange of the ratifications of the present Act all
interest shall be waived, and the interest for two years
and a half or for any less period, if any already paid,
shall be included as part of the principal amount of the
indemnity.
Article 5
The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who
wish to take up their residence outside the ceded
districts shall be at liberty to sell their real
property and retire. For this purpose a period of two
years from the date of the exchange of ratifications of
the present Act shall be granted. At the expiration of
that period those of the inhabitants who shall not have
left such territories shall, at the option of Japan, be
deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two
Governments shall, immediately upon the exchange of the
ratifications of the present Act, send one or more
Commissioners to Formosa to effect a final transfer of
that province, and within the space of two months after
the exchange of the ratifications of this Act such
transfer shall be completed.
Article 6
All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an
end as a consequence of war, China engages, immediately
upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to
appoint Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese
Plenipotentiaries, a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation
and a Convention to regulate Frontier Intercourse and
Trade. The Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now
subsisting between China and the European Powers shall
serve as a basis for the said Treaty and Convention
between Japan and China. From the date of the exchange
of ratifications of this Act until the said Treaty and
Convention are brought into actual operation, the
Japanese Governments, its officials, commerce,
navigation, frontier intercourse and trade, industries,
ships, and subjects, shall in every respect be accorded
by China most favoured nation treatment.
China makes, in addition, the following concessions, to
take effect six months after the date of the present
Act:—
First.—The following cities, towns, and ports, in
addition to those already opened, shall be opened to the
trade, residence, industries, and manufactures of
Japanese subjects, under the same conditions and with
the same privileges and facilities as exist at the
present open cities, towns, and ports of China: 1.
Shashih, in the province of Hupeh. 2. Chungking, in
the province of Szechwan. 3. Suchow, in the province
of Kiangsu. 4. Hangchow, in the province of Chekiang.
The Japanese Government shall have the right to station
consuls at any or all of the above named places.
Second.—Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese
flag, for the conveyance of passengers and cargo, shall
be extended to the following places: 1. On the Upper
Yangtze River, from Ichang to Chungking. 2. On the
Woosung River and the Canal, from Shanghai to Suchow and
Hangchow.
The rules and regulations that now govern the navigation
of the inland waters of China by Foreign vessels shall,
so far as applicable, be enforced, in respect to the
above named routes, until new rules and regulations are
conjointly agreed to.
Third.—Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in
the interior of China, or transporting imported
merchandise into the interior of China, shall have the
right temporarily to rent or hire warehouses for the
storage of the articles so purchased or transported
without the payment of any taxes or extractions
whatever.
Fourth.—Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all
kinds of manufacturing industries in all the open
cities, towns, and ports of China, and shall be at
liberty to import into China all kinds of machinery,
paying only the stipulated import duties thereon.
All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects in China
shall, in respect of inland transit and internal taxes,
duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds, and also in
respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the
interior of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy
the same privileges and exemptions as merchandise
imported by Japanese subjects into China.
In the event additional rules and regulations are
necessary in connexion with these concessions, they
shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce and
Navigation provided for by this Article.
Article 7
Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding
Article, the evacuation of China by the armies of Japan
shall be completely effected within three months after
the exchange of the ratificatioins of the present Act.
Article 8
As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the
stipulations of this Act, China consents to the
temporary occupation by the military forces of Japan of
Weihaiwei, in the province of Shantung. [3] Upon
payment of the first two installments of the war
indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the
ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and navigation,
the said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese
forces, provided the Chinese Government consents to
pledge, under suitable and sufficient arrangements, the
Customs revenue of China as security for the payment of
the principal and interest of the remaining installments
of the said indemnity. In the event that no such
arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only
take place upon the payment of the final installment of
said indemnity. It is, however, expressly understood
that no such evacuation shall take place until after the
exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce
and Navigation.
Article 9
Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of
this Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be
restored, and China undertakes not to ill-treat or
punish prisoners of war so restored to her by Japan.
China also engages to at once release all Japanese
subjects accused of being military spies or charged with
any other military offenses. China further engages not
to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be punished,
those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been
compromised in their relations with the Japanese army
during the war.
Article 10
All offensive military operations shall cease upon the
exchange of the ratifications of this Act.
Article 11
The present Act shall be ratified by their Majesties the
Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of China, and the
ratifications shall be exchanged at Chefoo on the 8th
day of the 5th month of the 28th year of MEIJI,
corresponding to the 14th day of the 4th month of the
21st year of KUANG HSÜ. In witness whereof the
respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same and
affixed thereto the seal of their arms. Done in
Shimonoseki, in duplicate, this 17th day of the fourth
month of the 28th year of MEIJI, corresponding to the
23rd day of the 3rd month of the 21st year of KUANG HSÜ.
Count ITO HIROBUMI, [L.S.] Junii, Grand Cross of the
Imperial Order of Paullownia Minister President of State
Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan
Viscount MUTSU MUNEMITSU, [L.S.] Junii, First Class of
the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure Minister of
State for Foreign Affairs Plenipotentiary of His Majesty
the Emperor of Japan
LI HUNG-CHANG, [L.S.] Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the
Emperor of China Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent
Senior Grand Secretary of State Minister Superintendent
of Trade for the Northern Ports of China Viceroy of the
province of Chili Earl of the First Rank
LI CHING-FONG Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor
of China Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the
Second Official Rank.
end of quotes"
annex :
Portrait of Ito Hirobumi
1841–1909, Japanese statesman, the outstanding figure in
the modernization of Japan. As a young Choshu samurai,
he was a xenophobe. In 1863 he visited Europe, studied
science in England, and became convinced of the
necessity of adopting Western ways. After the Meiji
restoration, Ito served in the ministries of foreign
affairs, finance, and industry. He was a member of the
mission sent abroad (1871) under Prince Iwakura to
revise the unequal treaties with the Western powers and
study Western technology. In 1873, Ito became a member
of the ruling council and worked to modernize Japan and
solidify the power of the oligarchs. By 1881 he forced
Shigenobu Okuma to resign and thus became the foremost
political power in Japan.
In 1882 he headed the mission sent abroad to study
foreign governments. Returning, he established a
cabinet and civil service (1885) and a privy council
(1888), which he headed. He supervised (1883–89) the
drafting of the constitution of 1889 and was intimate
adviser to the emperor. In 1885 he negotiated the
Li-Ito Convention, which postponed war with China over
Korea. As prime minister (1892–96) he supported the
Sino-Japanese War and negotiated the Treaty of
Shimonoseki. After the war he became a supporter of
party government, opposing Prince Yamagata. He was the
first president of the Seiyukai party. Again prime
minister (1898, 1900–1901), he tried to negotiate a
peaceful settlement with Russia, but, failing, was
forced to increase military appropriations.
From 1901 to 1913 the premiership alternated between his
protégé, Kimmochi Saionji, and Taro Katsura, a follower
of Yamagata. In 1905, Ito forced an agreement making
Korea a virtual protectorate of Japan and became (1906)
resident general there. His assassination by a Korean
in 1909 served as a pretext for annexation of Korea.
JjL (& British Library & Shimonoseki city archives)
Korean intelligence faces its ambiguous past
Have not heard much about it, ex KCIA spin-doctors
or simple house cleaners?
Quotes :
Former Spy Chief Murdered at Chicken Farm in France
A former South Korean intelligence agency chief who
disappeared in 1979 was killed at a chicken farm in the
suburbs of Paris by a team of South Korean agents, a
weekly news magazine here reported Monday.
Sisa Journal quoted a former agent who allegedly led the
team at the time as saying that his team abducted Kim
Hyung-wook, who was then chief of the Korea Central
Intelligence Agency (KCIA), at a restaurant near a
casino in downtown Paris on Oct. 7, 1979.
``We were waiting at the entrance of the restaurant at a
time when Kim was supposed to meet a South Korean
actress and succeeded in kidnapping him by disguising
ourselves as a guide sent by the actress,'' the man,
identified only by his family name Lee, told the
magazine.
``We then anesthetized him inside a Cadillac and pushed
his body into a grinder at a chicken farm located 4
kilometers northwest of Paris at about 11 p.m., to feed
chickens.''
Lee said he killed Kim in a team with an agent called
Kwak, who was sent to Israel's Mossad intelligence
agency and trained to be a special assassin.
The former spy chief's purpose of the visit to Paris was
to meet the actress, and the team prepared for the
assassination for one year, he added.
The actress mentioned by the agent, however, denied
involvement in the case, saying that the person Kim was
supposed to meet that day was not her, the magazine
said.
Kim served as an intelligence chief for six years,
beginning in 1969, under the former Park Chung-hee
administration. After Kim's dismissal, he became an
outspoken critic of the dictator while living in exile
in the United States.
The KCIA was later replaced by the National Intelligence
Service.
Kim went missing while traveling in Paris, only weeks
before the assassination of former President Park on
Oct. 26, 1979, by Kim's replacement.
There has been mounting suspicions that the spy agency
was behind Kim's disappearance.
The agency has already formed an investigation team to
shed light on the disappearance, along with a number of
other cases in its murky past. They include the 1973
kidnapping of former President Kim Dae-jung and the 1987
bombing of a Korean Air passenger jet.
04-11-2005 21:50 Yonhap agency
end of quotes
or simple house cleaners?
Quotes :
Former Spy Chief Murdered at Chicken Farm in France
A former South Korean intelligence agency chief who
disappeared in 1979 was killed at a chicken farm in the
suburbs of Paris by a team of South Korean agents, a
weekly news magazine here reported Monday.
Sisa Journal quoted a former agent who allegedly led the
team at the time as saying that his team abducted Kim
Hyung-wook, who was then chief of the Korea Central
Intelligence Agency (KCIA), at a restaurant near a
casino in downtown Paris on Oct. 7, 1979.
``We were waiting at the entrance of the restaurant at a
time when Kim was supposed to meet a South Korean
actress and succeeded in kidnapping him by disguising
ourselves as a guide sent by the actress,'' the man,
identified only by his family name Lee, told the
magazine.
``We then anesthetized him inside a Cadillac and pushed
his body into a grinder at a chicken farm located 4
kilometers northwest of Paris at about 11 p.m., to feed
chickens.''
Lee said he killed Kim in a team with an agent called
Kwak, who was sent to Israel's Mossad intelligence
agency and trained to be a special assassin.
The former spy chief's purpose of the visit to Paris was
to meet the actress, and the team prepared for the
assassination for one year, he added.
The actress mentioned by the agent, however, denied
involvement in the case, saying that the person Kim was
supposed to meet that day was not her, the magazine
said.
Kim served as an intelligence chief for six years,
beginning in 1969, under the former Park Chung-hee
administration. After Kim's dismissal, he became an
outspoken critic of the dictator while living in exile
in the United States.
The KCIA was later replaced by the National Intelligence
Service.
Kim went missing while traveling in Paris, only weeks
before the assassination of former President Park on
Oct. 26, 1979, by Kim's replacement.
There has been mounting suspicions that the spy agency
was behind Kim's disappearance.
The agency has already formed an investigation team to
shed light on the disappearance, along with a number of
other cases in its murky past. They include the 1973
kidnapping of former President Kim Dae-jung and the 1987
bombing of a Korean Air passenger jet.
04-11-2005 21:50 Yonhap agency
end of quotes
What about Japan's contribution to JSF?
Follow up.
Quotes :
"Despite recent estimates that the cost of developing the
more than $200 billion Joint Strike Fighter is creeping
upward, Lockheed's chief executive said Friday he
believes the defense contractor can deliver the plane
for the Air Force, Navy and Marines on budget.
Robert Stevens said the cost of the program would be
"thoroughly evaluated" by the Pentagon...
... Lockheed is the lead contractor on the Joint Strike
Fighter, which at a possible $245 billion over its
lifetime would be the biggest defense contract ever
awarded. The planes would be made for the Air Force,
Navy and Marines and some foreign militaries.
Several recent reports have questioned whether that cost
will grow more. The Government Accountablity Office
recently said development costs grew $10 billion to $45
billion last year because of weight and other technical
problems. The Financial Times reported Friday that an
internal Pentagon analysis group put the cost increase
at $5 billion.
Loren Thompson, a defense analyst with the Lexington
group, said the internal Pentagon review was based on
historical data from similar weapons programs, meaning
it might be overly pessimistic. He said Lockheed's
record with the F-16, which it delivered on time and on
budget, means it may do the same with the Joint Strike
Fighter...
... Lockheed estimates for the Joint Strike Fighter and
the Pentagon review will be evaluated at a May 5 meeting
of the Defense Acquisition Board.
The rising cost projections come as other major Lockheed
programs have been slated for cuts in President Bush's
2006 budget.
The F/A-22 jet, originally planned for 750 planes when
it was conceived, would be scaled back to just 179 jets.
Production of the C-130J transport plane would be
stopped.
Stevens warned that if a smaller number of F/A-22s are
made, the price tag per jet will increase substantially
because of the money already invested in the program.
The GAO estimates each plane will cost $345 million if
178 are made, compared to a 1991 per plane price tag of
$149 million when about 648 were proposed.
"There are pressures that result from fewer airplanes,"
Stevens said...
... The nation's largest defense contractor, Lockheed
posted sales of $35.5 billion last year, mostly on
government contracts. It also provides a wide range of
other government services, from satellites for NASA to
mail-sorting equipment for the Postal Service.
end of quotes, agencies.
Quotes :
"Despite recent estimates that the cost of developing the
more than $200 billion Joint Strike Fighter is creeping
upward, Lockheed's chief executive said Friday he
believes the defense contractor can deliver the plane
for the Air Force, Navy and Marines on budget.
Robert Stevens said the cost of the program would be
"thoroughly evaluated" by the Pentagon...
... Lockheed is the lead contractor on the Joint Strike
Fighter, which at a possible $245 billion over its
lifetime would be the biggest defense contract ever
awarded. The planes would be made for the Air Force,
Navy and Marines and some foreign militaries.
Several recent reports have questioned whether that cost
will grow more. The Government Accountablity Office
recently said development costs grew $10 billion to $45
billion last year because of weight and other technical
problems. The Financial Times reported Friday that an
internal Pentagon analysis group put the cost increase
at $5 billion.
Loren Thompson, a defense analyst with the Lexington
group, said the internal Pentagon review was based on
historical data from similar weapons programs, meaning
it might be overly pessimistic. He said Lockheed's
record with the F-16, which it delivered on time and on
budget, means it may do the same with the Joint Strike
Fighter...
... Lockheed estimates for the Joint Strike Fighter and
the Pentagon review will be evaluated at a May 5 meeting
of the Defense Acquisition Board.
The rising cost projections come as other major Lockheed
programs have been slated for cuts in President Bush's
2006 budget.
The F/A-22 jet, originally planned for 750 planes when
it was conceived, would be scaled back to just 179 jets.
Production of the C-130J transport plane would be
stopped.
Stevens warned that if a smaller number of F/A-22s are
made, the price tag per jet will increase substantially
because of the money already invested in the program.
The GAO estimates each plane will cost $345 million if
178 are made, compared to a 1991 per plane price tag of
$149 million when about 648 were proposed.
"There are pressures that result from fewer airplanes,"
Stevens said...
... The nation's largest defense contractor, Lockheed
posted sales of $35.5 billion last year, mostly on
government contracts. It also provides a wide range of
other government services, from satellites for NASA to
mail-sorting equipment for the Postal Service.
end of quotes, agencies.
Mitsubishi to build Japan's 1st passenger jet
Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. plans to launch a
project within this year 2005 to develop and
commercialize Japan's first domestic passenger jet, the
Nihon Keizai Shimbun reported Tuesday.
The report said the company plans to develop a jet
capable of carrying 70-90 passengers and aims to conduct
its maiden flight in fiscal 2008.
Mitsubishi notified the Ministry of Economy, Trade and
Industry on Monday of its plan to start developing
conceptual designs.
The company is a party to a five-year project launched
in fiscal 2003 by the government and the private sector
to co-develop a passenger jet. Japan has developed a
turboprop passenger plane, the YS-11, but not a
passenger jet.
project within this year 2005 to develop and
commercialize Japan's first domestic passenger jet, the
Nihon Keizai Shimbun reported Tuesday.
The report said the company plans to develop a jet
capable of carrying 70-90 passengers and aims to conduct
its maiden flight in fiscal 2008.
Mitsubishi notified the Ministry of Economy, Trade and
Industry on Monday of its plan to start developing
conceptual designs.
The company is a party to a five-year project launched
in fiscal 2003 by the government and the private sector
to co-develop a passenger jet. Japan has developed a
turboprop passenger plane, the YS-11, but not a
passenger jet.
Monday, April 11, 2005
Re: China and Japan : rivalry for a millennium ?
Isn't' it bizarre to see that demonstrators can strike
wherever they want in such country as China? Is the old
CCP guard still angry at Hu and Wen and infuriated at
Japan UNSC attempt. Are these strikes "political
activities" pre-organized. Police closed to the crowds.
Anyone arrested ? Are Universities there under
lecturing by Party promising activists? Japanese media
coverage was quite a surprise, too poor.
This piece from the CSM is quite interesting on the
contrary:
Quotes :
"Take a big knife and chop off head of Japanese devil."
Not since 1985, when the then Japanese prime minister
visited the Yasukuni Shrine, has Beijing allowed such a
demonstration.
While described as a spontaneous rally, the organized
nature of the Saturday protest seemed apparent to some
observers. Areas for press, protesters, and riot police
were taped off. Movement was carefully organized:
crowds were sent past the Japanese Embassy, then to
buses to usher them out. One policeman told an
approaching reporter that a detour was necessary, since
"political activity" had been scheduled.
A seat for Japan on the Security Council would alter
China's current status as the only Asian member of the
council. While Beijing has supported multilateralism in
much of the world, it has been reluctant to do so in
Asia, its closest sphere of influence.
Here, most of the relationships between neighboring
states and Beijing are bilateral.
Some Western diplomats say that while China has shown
its unpredictability, Tokyo continues to give its
neighbors a target. "Japan has a problem with its
neighbors and its neighbors all say so," notes a senior
Western diplomat. "Yet they are solid allies of
Washington. We still don't know which way China is
going."
One protester said he was embarrassed that his friends
were throwing bottles at the Embassy.
"I was at the American embassy in 1999 [when it was
attacked after the accidental bombing of the Chinese
embassy in Belgrade] and I asked my friends not to throw
things at that time, too."
end of quotes
wherever they want in such country as China? Is the old
CCP guard still angry at Hu and Wen and infuriated at
Japan UNSC attempt. Are these strikes "political
activities" pre-organized. Police closed to the crowds.
Anyone arrested ? Are Universities there under
lecturing by Party promising activists? Japanese media
coverage was quite a surprise, too poor.
This piece from the CSM is quite interesting on the
contrary:
Quotes :
"Take a big knife and chop off head of Japanese devil."
Not since 1985, when the then Japanese prime minister
visited the Yasukuni Shrine, has Beijing allowed such a
demonstration.
While described as a spontaneous rally, the organized
nature of the Saturday protest seemed apparent to some
observers. Areas for press, protesters, and riot police
were taped off. Movement was carefully organized:
crowds were sent past the Japanese Embassy, then to
buses to usher them out. One policeman told an
approaching reporter that a detour was necessary, since
"political activity" had been scheduled.
A seat for Japan on the Security Council would alter
China's current status as the only Asian member of the
council. While Beijing has supported multilateralism in
much of the world, it has been reluctant to do so in
Asia, its closest sphere of influence.
Here, most of the relationships between neighboring
states and Beijing are bilateral.
Some Western diplomats say that while China has shown
its unpredictability, Tokyo continues to give its
neighbors a target. "Japan has a problem with its
neighbors and its neighbors all say so," notes a senior
Western diplomat. "Yet they are solid allies of
Washington. We still don't know which way China is
going."
One protester said he was embarrassed that his friends
were throwing bottles at the Embassy.
"I was at the American embassy in 1999 [when it was
attacked after the accidental bombing of the Chinese
embassy in Belgrade] and I asked my friends not to throw
things at that time, too."
end of quotes
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