Risk of a nationalistic backlash?
For sure Mr. WTO Lamy is concerned, isn't he?
Quote:
"... As GM Chief Executive Rick Wagoner and Toyota
President Fujio Cho were meeting this weekend near
Toyota's headquarters, Japanese auto executives appeared
to be making some pre-emptive moves to head off any
anti-Japanese sentiment among American consumers.
Toyota Chairman Hiroshi Okuda caused a stir recently by
saying he was considering raising prices on Toyota cars
in the United States in a bid to aid ailing U.S.
rivals, as well as sharing technological research with
American automakers. "The decline of the once
invincible American auto industry in the face of
Japanese competition could set off a nationalistic
backlash among American consumers," the Japanese daily
Asahi Shimbun warned in an editorial this past week.
"There is every reason for Japanese automakers to work
hard to avoid unnecessary conflict."
Such fears are overblown, analysts say. For one, the
Bush administration is much more concerned about imports
from China than Japan. And over the years, Toyota,
Honda Motor Co. and Nissan Motor Co. have made a point
of opening plants in the United States and buying
U.S.-made parts. Also, Japanese cars are not only
popular, they're viewed as setting the standard.
Americans are global consumers, seeking the best quality
and price on products, regardless of where they are
designed or made. "Ultimately, U.S. consumers are
consumers first and citizens second. Most people don't
really think about where their vehicles are made," said
Walter McManus, an auto analyst at the University of
Michigan Transportation Research Institute. "The
attitude of 'buy American' -- in cars at least -- is
pretty much gone," he said..."
end of quotes
Click on title to read the article
Sunday, May 15, 2005
Saturday, May 14, 2005
"Past anti-Japanese rallies provide good lesson"
Past anti-Japanese rallies provide good lesson according
to Tokyo press. Still, Japanese press seldom
demonstrates fruitful insight but only clear signs of
"hedonistic indulgence".
Quote:
"The recent wave of anti-Japanese demonstrations in
China came as a shock to many Japanese. But it probably
prompted few Japanese people to recall the rash of
similar anti-Japanese demonstrations that raged in
Southeast Asia some three decades ago. We should recall
what we learned from that experience.
Violent outbursts of anti-Japanese sentiment started in
Thailand in 1972 and spread quickly to other parts of
Southeast Asia. The tension over the protests against
Japan peaked in January 1974, when then Prime Minister
Kakuei Tanaka visited Jakarta. Demonstrators surrounded
the Japanese Embassy in the Indonesian capital, threw
rocks at it, and attacked a number of Japanese cars in
the city.
Although the analogy can be overdrawn, there are
similarities between the Southeast Asia of 30 years ago
and modern-day China. Japan was making rapid economic
inroads in Southeast Asia back then, just like China
today, and Japanese products flooded those markets. Most
Southeast Asian countries at that time were ruled by
authoritarian governments. Massive flows of foreign
investment powered industrialization in the capitals and
other major cities of those countries, leading to the
emergence of an urban middle class."
Hum, any idea regarding the flop of the Miyazawa
financial initiative that fed south east Asia mob's bank
accounts?
Click the title to access the commentary.
to Tokyo press. Still, Japanese press seldom
demonstrates fruitful insight but only clear signs of
"hedonistic indulgence".
Quote:
"The recent wave of anti-Japanese demonstrations in
China came as a shock to many Japanese. But it probably
prompted few Japanese people to recall the rash of
similar anti-Japanese demonstrations that raged in
Southeast Asia some three decades ago. We should recall
what we learned from that experience.
Violent outbursts of anti-Japanese sentiment started in
Thailand in 1972 and spread quickly to other parts of
Southeast Asia. The tension over the protests against
Japan peaked in January 1974, when then Prime Minister
Kakuei Tanaka visited Jakarta. Demonstrators surrounded
the Japanese Embassy in the Indonesian capital, threw
rocks at it, and attacked a number of Japanese cars in
the city.
Although the analogy can be overdrawn, there are
similarities between the Southeast Asia of 30 years ago
and modern-day China. Japan was making rapid economic
inroads in Southeast Asia back then, just like China
today, and Japanese products flooded those markets. Most
Southeast Asian countries at that time were ruled by
authoritarian governments. Massive flows of foreign
investment powered industrialization in the capitals and
other major cities of those countries, leading to the
emergence of an urban middle class."
Hum, any idea regarding the flop of the Miyazawa
financial initiative that fed south east Asia mob's bank
accounts?
Click the title to access the commentary.
Friday, May 13, 2005
Anger in Japan-China "Imperial relations"
Japan's nationalist "New History Textbook" is fueling
anger in Japan-China relations, it certainly is a thorn
in the heart of hundreds of millions of people in Asia.
But, this textbook is not deeply popular as we can read:
Quote:
"Though given away for free, the text is used by only 18
junior high schools -- out of 11,102 junior highs in all
of Japan. It has been denounced by the nation's leading
teacher's union, and is well right of mainstream public
opinion. Outside of Japan's classrooms, however, the
textbook is anything but obscure. Since it was first
approved by a government screening panel four years ago,
the text has been singled out by Japan's neighbors as
evidence that the country is trying to whitewash its
militarist past.
And its unrepentant tone and omission of Japan's wartime
atrocities, including germ warfare and the forcing of
tens if not hundreds of thousands of women into
prostitution -- have outraged many Japanese educators
and liberals. It is now at the center of yet another
regional rift. The approval of its newest edition
earlier this month fueled street protests in several
Chinese cities, threats of a boycott of Japanese
products and violence against at least two Japanese
students, plunging relations between the two Asian
giants to their lowest level in years.
Even North Korea has piped up, saying the Education
Ministry's approval of the text and Japan's recent push
to get a permanent seat on the United Nations Security
Council demonstrate how this nation's leaders are
"political dwarfs." The text's publishers claim surprise
at the outcry. "We only hope more schools choose our
book," said Fusosha spokeswoman Yoko Ishimaru,
acknowledging that the textbook could have been more
popular.
Only 10 public and eight private junior high schools use
the textbook, meaning it reaches only 0.1 percent of the
1.2 million seventh graders in Japan. The text's
limited usage reflects many teachers' concerns over its
content. The book covers all of Japan's history, from
ancient times to modern. The current edition has 236
pages, of which only about 20 cover the 1920-1945
period, the height of Japanese expansionism. But those
20 pages are highly inflammatory, with passages
defending Japan's militarism as an attempt to liberate
Asia from western colonialism and claiming that
resource-poor Japan was pushed into a corner and used
aggression as a last resort. Similar logic was used by
Japan's wartime leaders."
end of quotes
Still some argue about the past & history, for instance
on the circumstances of the Nanking massacre. A veil on
the facts that trouble consciences :
Quote of these exchanges of emails between activists,
academics of NBR (unfortunate censors ), and media :
Ignatius Y. Ding, Cupertino, California, U.S.A. has a
long record of actions to combat historical amnesia in
Asia, he is the Spokesperson and member of the Executive
Committee of the Global Alliance for Preserving the
History of World War II in Asia (1994-present).
quote:
"The alleged culprit was not Matsui Iwane, but Prince
Yasuhiko Asaka -- Commander in Chief Shanghai
Expeditionary Army and one of the uncles of Japanese
Emperor Hirohito (Showa). This was just simply imperial
family business during the war.
Another dark imperial page of Japanese history was the
direct link of the imperial family to the notorious Unit
731 which was an extension of the biological and
chemical warfare center pioneered by Emperor Hirohito's
father-in-law Chujo (Lt-Gen) Koshaku (Prince) Kuniyoshi
Kuni in early 1930's. It was documented by Daniel
Barenblatt of New York in his book published last year."
Ignatius Ding *
end of quotes
This rare and astonishing statement follows a question
set in a message posted by myself to a forum, NBR, and
never posted by the moderator-censor Griffin, awfully
frightened by its contents.
quote:
"Date: Tue, 19 Apr 2005 07:59:33 -0700 (PDT)
From: "Joel J. Legendre"
Subject: Re: NBR'S JAPAN FORUM (POL) Honda Katsuichi
To: "Japan-U.S. Discussion Forum"
Peter Ennis wrote:
But: at the same time, there was murder on a mass scale
on the part of Japanese army units that were set loose
by a criminally negligent leadership. How high up did
the decisions go? Debate goes on and on.
Regarding Nanking, Mr. Peter Ennis, could you, and/or,
the other honorable members of this forum, elaborate
about this or eventually introduce the debate that goes
on and on about the "criminally negligent leadership in
Japan"? Are you referring to Matsui Iwane or to higher
ranks and officials of the government and institutions
of Japan at that time? In addition, it would be a
fruitful debate if ever vis a vis the Japanese textbooks
issues and what some perceive as the rising nationalism
of a segment of the society, including young generation
of Japanese ? "
end of quotes
"Si vis pacem, para bellum"
* Who is Ignatius Ding?
Ignatius Y. Ding, Cupertino, California, U.S.A.
- Spokesperson and member of the Executive Committee of
the Global Alliance for Preserving the History of World
War II in Asia (1994-present).
- Spokesperson, legislative and media liaison of the San
Francisco Alliance for Preserving the Truth of
Sino-Japanese War (APTSJW) (1992-present).
- Spokesperson and Secretary of the Silicon Valley for
Democracy in China (SVDC) (1989-present).
- Former member of the Board of Directors, American Red
Cross, Santa Clara Valley Chapter (1993-1997).
- Member of the Instructional Materials Advisory Panel
for the California State Board of Education (1998).
- Member of the Advisory Council to the Board of
Directors of the Bay Area Air Quality Management
District (BAAQMD), a California state agency
(1997-present).
- Member of the West Valley Citizens' Air Watch (WVCAW)
(1997-present).
- Knowledge engineering architect for Hewlett-Packard
Co. and a 28-year veteran in the computer industry.
- Freelance writer and lecturer on WW II history and
litigation and legislation processes.
Click on title to access ALPHA-LA.
anger in Japan-China relations, it certainly is a thorn
in the heart of hundreds of millions of people in Asia.
But, this textbook is not deeply popular as we can read:
Quote:
"Though given away for free, the text is used by only 18
junior high schools -- out of 11,102 junior highs in all
of Japan. It has been denounced by the nation's leading
teacher's union, and is well right of mainstream public
opinion. Outside of Japan's classrooms, however, the
textbook is anything but obscure. Since it was first
approved by a government screening panel four years ago,
the text has been singled out by Japan's neighbors as
evidence that the country is trying to whitewash its
militarist past.
And its unrepentant tone and omission of Japan's wartime
atrocities, including germ warfare and the forcing of
tens if not hundreds of thousands of women into
prostitution -- have outraged many Japanese educators
and liberals. It is now at the center of yet another
regional rift. The approval of its newest edition
earlier this month fueled street protests in several
Chinese cities, threats of a boycott of Japanese
products and violence against at least two Japanese
students, plunging relations between the two Asian
giants to their lowest level in years.
Even North Korea has piped up, saying the Education
Ministry's approval of the text and Japan's recent push
to get a permanent seat on the United Nations Security
Council demonstrate how this nation's leaders are
"political dwarfs." The text's publishers claim surprise
at the outcry. "We only hope more schools choose our
book," said Fusosha spokeswoman Yoko Ishimaru,
acknowledging that the textbook could have been more
popular.
Only 10 public and eight private junior high schools use
the textbook, meaning it reaches only 0.1 percent of the
1.2 million seventh graders in Japan. The text's
limited usage reflects many teachers' concerns over its
content. The book covers all of Japan's history, from
ancient times to modern. The current edition has 236
pages, of which only about 20 cover the 1920-1945
period, the height of Japanese expansionism. But those
20 pages are highly inflammatory, with passages
defending Japan's militarism as an attempt to liberate
Asia from western colonialism and claiming that
resource-poor Japan was pushed into a corner and used
aggression as a last resort. Similar logic was used by
Japan's wartime leaders."
end of quotes
Still some argue about the past & history, for instance
on the circumstances of the Nanking massacre. A veil on
the facts that trouble consciences :
Quote of these exchanges of emails between activists,
academics of NBR (unfortunate censors ), and media :
Ignatius Y. Ding, Cupertino, California, U.S.A. has a
long record of actions to combat historical amnesia in
Asia, he is the Spokesperson and member of the Executive
Committee of the Global Alliance for Preserving the
History of World War II in Asia (1994-present).
quote:
"The alleged culprit was not Matsui Iwane, but Prince
Yasuhiko Asaka -- Commander in Chief Shanghai
Expeditionary Army and one of the uncles of Japanese
Emperor Hirohito (Showa). This was just simply imperial
family business during the war.
Another dark imperial page of Japanese history was the
direct link of the imperial family to the notorious Unit
731 which was an extension of the biological and
chemical warfare center pioneered by Emperor Hirohito's
father-in-law Chujo (Lt-Gen) Koshaku (Prince) Kuniyoshi
Kuni in early 1930's. It was documented by Daniel
Barenblatt of New York in his book published last year."
Ignatius Ding *
end of quotes
This rare and astonishing statement follows a question
set in a message posted by myself to a forum, NBR, and
never posted by the moderator-censor Griffin, awfully
frightened by its contents.
quote:
"Date: Tue, 19 Apr 2005 07:59:33 -0700 (PDT)
From: "Joel J. Legendre"
Subject: Re: NBR'S JAPAN FORUM (POL) Honda Katsuichi
To: "Japan-U.S. Discussion Forum"
Peter Ennis wrote:
But: at the same time, there was murder on a mass scale
on the part of Japanese army units that were set loose
by a criminally negligent leadership. How high up did
the decisions go? Debate goes on and on.
Regarding Nanking, Mr. Peter Ennis, could you, and/or,
the other honorable members of this forum, elaborate
about this or eventually introduce the debate that goes
on and on about the "criminally negligent leadership in
Japan"? Are you referring to Matsui Iwane or to higher
ranks and officials of the government and institutions
of Japan at that time? In addition, it would be a
fruitful debate if ever vis a vis the Japanese textbooks
issues and what some perceive as the rising nationalism
of a segment of the society, including young generation
of Japanese ? "
end of quotes
"Si vis pacem, para bellum"
* Who is Ignatius Ding?
Ignatius Y. Ding, Cupertino, California, U.S.A.
- Spokesperson and member of the Executive Committee of
the Global Alliance for Preserving the History of World
War II in Asia (1994-present).
- Spokesperson, legislative and media liaison of the San
Francisco Alliance for Preserving the Truth of
Sino-Japanese War (APTSJW) (1992-present).
- Spokesperson and Secretary of the Silicon Valley for
Democracy in China (SVDC) (1989-present).
- Former member of the Board of Directors, American Red
Cross, Santa Clara Valley Chapter (1993-1997).
- Member of the Instructional Materials Advisory Panel
for the California State Board of Education (1998).
- Member of the Advisory Council to the Board of
Directors of the Bay Area Air Quality Management
District (BAAQMD), a California state agency
(1997-present).
- Member of the West Valley Citizens' Air Watch (WVCAW)
(1997-present).
- Knowledge engineering architect for Hewlett-Packard
Co. and a 28-year veteran in the computer industry.
- Freelance writer and lecturer on WW II history and
litigation and legislation processes.
Click on title to access ALPHA-LA.
Thursday, May 12, 2005
Are Japanese moderate political forces lost (and enshrined) ?
An interesting insight from professor Thomas Berger from
the Boston University who happened to reach my mailbox,
about the perception of China rise from a Japanese
conservative perspective. I noticed that in the
gargantuesque writings of some Anglo Saxons school and
university teachers, it is acceptable for an American
fascist to be just described as a conservative while a
Japanese conservative would be described as an extremist
of the right.
Move the center... this is the solution.
Quotes :
"The rise of a China threat may well lead to a revival
of some of the same ideological cleavages that we saw in
the LDP in the 1960s and 1970s. We seem to be seeing
the reemergence of a pro-Taiwan faction (although for a
rather different point of view see Greg Noble in the
January 2005 issue of the Journal of East Asian Studies)
led in some cases by the descendants of the LDP right
wing-leaders who helped found or support the Seirankai.
Nakagawa Shoichi is indeed the son of Nakagawa Ichiro.
Abe Shinzo is not only the son of former Foreign
Minister Abe Shintaro, but the grandson on his mother's
side of Kishi Nobusuke. Interestingly, I was told that
young Abe was largely raised in his grandfather's house,
as his father was away on business most of the time, and
thus was imbued from an early age in the ideology of
Japanese conservatism.
What is important to note, however, in all of this is
not just the links between the old Japanese right and
the new Japanese right today, but also the right wing's
historical volatility. We should not view the rise of
the right as an inexorable trend in Japanese politics,
but as a recurring feature that is spurred by domestic
as well as international political developments.
Japanese political leaders on the right are maneuvering
for factional as well as cross factional support for the
coming battle to succeed Koizumi. How solidly committed
these figures are to pursuing a genuinely right-wing
agenda, however, is open to question. Fukuda, after
all, is remembered for completing the normalization of
relations with the PRC. And we have seen how solidly
pro-defense, nationalists can stab each other in the
back when they see it as being in their short-term
political interest to do so (witness the role Fukuda
played in undermining Nakasone on breaching the 1% of
GDP limit on defense spending in 1985). We should
expect right-wing leaders like Abe and Nakagawa to be
equally fickle today.
There are two critical factors that may make for a more
sustained right wing revival today. First, where are
the more moderate, anti-military forces in Japanese
politics, and inside the LDP, today? Obviously the old
JSP and JCP have evaporated, and the CGP and Democratic
Party are far more moderate than they were. Yet, the
non-LDP parties do seem to lean in more leftish
direction, and they may be more inclined to seek
accomodation rather than confrontation with China than
is the right-wing inside the LDP. While Kato Koichi and
the pro-China left wing of the LDP seems to be dead, I
would not be at all surprised if new LDP left-of-center
forces emerge again - looking to develop strong links
with the opposition parties in order to strengthen their
position inside of the LDP, as well as in response to
incentives emanating from the business community as well
as from the left-wing media (especially the Asahi and
Mainichi). If such moderate political forces inside the
LDP do not emerge, however, a more resolutely
anti-Chinese Japan is a real possibility.
The other, to my mind even more critical factor, is US
policy. The United States forced the sinophilic Yoshida
Shigeru to sever ties with mainland China in 1951.
Twenty years later, the United States famously undercut
the firmly anti-PRC Sato Eisaku in 1971, leading to a
significant reordering of Japanese domestic politics and
a near complete turn about in Japanese foreign policy.
Given Japan's intensified dependence on the alliance
with the US today, Japanese policy towards China is
likewise likely to continue to follow the US lead. IF
the US confronts China, Japanese leaders probably can be
found who were willing to cleave to the pro-US line,
despite considerable domestic political cooperation. If
the US instead reaffirms its strategy of engagement
towards China , Japanese leaders again can be found who
will see it as being in Japan's national interest to
pursue closer relations with China. Of course, they
would be embarassed to admit that they are primarily
following in the US' footsteps. But the fact will
remain, that they will be.
In other words, rather than see Sino-Japanese tensions
as being an immutable feature of their geo-political
environment, I think it may be more correct to
understand them as a function of Sino-American
relations. If China steers down a confrontational
course vis-a-vis the US - which its foolish rejection of
a Beijing-hot line, its belligerent stance on Taiwan,
and its non-supportive role in the North Korean crisis
suggests that it might - Sino-Japanese tensions will
escalate and once peripheral issues such as the Senkaku
islands and Yasukuni will become more serious. If China
chooses to adopt a non-confrontational and even
cooperative stance towards the US - which I believe its
current leaders are correctly inclined to do, out of
respect for their overwhelming interest in maintaining
China's steady economic growth - these problems will
prove manageable. If I had to guess, the Hu Jintao
leadership will try to avoid confrontation with the US,
and the Bush administration for its part would prefer to
let Beijing back itself out of the corner it has
maneuvered itself into."
End of quotes
the Boston University who happened to reach my mailbox,
about the perception of China rise from a Japanese
conservative perspective. I noticed that in the
gargantuesque writings of some Anglo Saxons school and
university teachers, it is acceptable for an American
fascist to be just described as a conservative while a
Japanese conservative would be described as an extremist
of the right.
Move the center... this is the solution.
Quotes :
"The rise of a China threat may well lead to a revival
of some of the same ideological cleavages that we saw in
the LDP in the 1960s and 1970s. We seem to be seeing
the reemergence of a pro-Taiwan faction (although for a
rather different point of view see Greg Noble in the
January 2005 issue of the Journal of East Asian Studies)
led in some cases by the descendants of the LDP right
wing-leaders who helped found or support the Seirankai.
Nakagawa Shoichi is indeed the son of Nakagawa Ichiro.
Abe Shinzo is not only the son of former Foreign
Minister Abe Shintaro, but the grandson on his mother's
side of Kishi Nobusuke. Interestingly, I was told that
young Abe was largely raised in his grandfather's house,
as his father was away on business most of the time, and
thus was imbued from an early age in the ideology of
Japanese conservatism.
What is important to note, however, in all of this is
not just the links between the old Japanese right and
the new Japanese right today, but also the right wing's
historical volatility. We should not view the rise of
the right as an inexorable trend in Japanese politics,
but as a recurring feature that is spurred by domestic
as well as international political developments.
Japanese political leaders on the right are maneuvering
for factional as well as cross factional support for the
coming battle to succeed Koizumi. How solidly committed
these figures are to pursuing a genuinely right-wing
agenda, however, is open to question. Fukuda, after
all, is remembered for completing the normalization of
relations with the PRC. And we have seen how solidly
pro-defense, nationalists can stab each other in the
back when they see it as being in their short-term
political interest to do so (witness the role Fukuda
played in undermining Nakasone on breaching the 1% of
GDP limit on defense spending in 1985). We should
expect right-wing leaders like Abe and Nakagawa to be
equally fickle today.
There are two critical factors that may make for a more
sustained right wing revival today. First, where are
the more moderate, anti-military forces in Japanese
politics, and inside the LDP, today? Obviously the old
JSP and JCP have evaporated, and the CGP and Democratic
Party are far more moderate than they were. Yet, the
non-LDP parties do seem to lean in more leftish
direction, and they may be more inclined to seek
accomodation rather than confrontation with China than
is the right-wing inside the LDP. While Kato Koichi and
the pro-China left wing of the LDP seems to be dead, I
would not be at all surprised if new LDP left-of-center
forces emerge again - looking to develop strong links
with the opposition parties in order to strengthen their
position inside of the LDP, as well as in response to
incentives emanating from the business community as well
as from the left-wing media (especially the Asahi and
Mainichi). If such moderate political forces inside the
LDP do not emerge, however, a more resolutely
anti-Chinese Japan is a real possibility.
The other, to my mind even more critical factor, is US
policy. The United States forced the sinophilic Yoshida
Shigeru to sever ties with mainland China in 1951.
Twenty years later, the United States famously undercut
the firmly anti-PRC Sato Eisaku in 1971, leading to a
significant reordering of Japanese domestic politics and
a near complete turn about in Japanese foreign policy.
Given Japan's intensified dependence on the alliance
with the US today, Japanese policy towards China is
likewise likely to continue to follow the US lead. IF
the US confronts China, Japanese leaders probably can be
found who were willing to cleave to the pro-US line,
despite considerable domestic political cooperation. If
the US instead reaffirms its strategy of engagement
towards China , Japanese leaders again can be found who
will see it as being in Japan's national interest to
pursue closer relations with China. Of course, they
would be embarassed to admit that they are primarily
following in the US' footsteps. But the fact will
remain, that they will be.
In other words, rather than see Sino-Japanese tensions
as being an immutable feature of their geo-political
environment, I think it may be more correct to
understand them as a function of Sino-American
relations. If China steers down a confrontational
course vis-a-vis the US - which its foolish rejection of
a Beijing-hot line, its belligerent stance on Taiwan,
and its non-supportive role in the North Korean crisis
suggests that it might - Sino-Japanese tensions will
escalate and once peripheral issues such as the Senkaku
islands and Yasukuni will become more serious. If China
chooses to adopt a non-confrontational and even
cooperative stance towards the US - which I believe its
current leaders are correctly inclined to do, out of
respect for their overwhelming interest in maintaining
China's steady economic growth - these problems will
prove manageable. If I had to guess, the Hu Jintao
leadership will try to avoid confrontation with the US,
and the Bush administration for its part would prefer to
let Beijing back itself out of the corner it has
maneuvered itself into."
End of quotes
Wednesday, May 11, 2005
History school textbooks denies Japan's wartime atrocities : Unjustifiable!
Confusion, nationalism, and revisionism still have good
days ahead in Japan?
Quotes : "Leaders of a group that edited a controversial
history textbook denied Tuesday the book whitewashes
Japan's wartime atrocities.
Speaking at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan,
Hidetsugu Yagi, president of the Japanese Society for
History Textbook Reform, said foreign experts and
political leaders appear to have criticized the junior
high school textbook without having read it. So more
non-Japanese can read it, the society has translated
part of the book into English, Chinese and Korean, said
Yagi, an assistant professor at Takasaki City University
of Economics.
The textbook makes no reference to women, mostly Asian,
who were forced into sexual slavery at frontline
brothels for the Japanese military.
Nobukatsu Fujioka, an author of the textbook who also
spoke Tuesday, said the society did not include that
topic in the book because it had not found evidence that
the women had been forced into the sex work.
It created a history textbook for junior high school
students, initially approved for use in schools by the
Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology
Ministry in 2001.
A revised edition, published by Fusosha Publishing Inc.,
was approved by the ministry last month."
End of quotes.
What a pathetic attempt to justify the crimes of war and
colonization of Asia by the Japanese Imperial Army. What
pride exists in justifying the unjustifiable and what
are the answers to these revisionists? Here is the
document written after a conference organized by the
participants of "The Asian Solidarity Conference on
Textbook Issues in Japan - No! to the Distorted History
Textbook."...!
Quotes:
"Nationalism, which attempts to justify past war
atrocities and colonialist rule, is on the rise in
Japan. The influence aims to make Japan into a nation
which can go to war. Those who are deeply concerned
about this grave situation as well as concerned about
the history and civics textbooks published for this
purpose, by the Society for New History Textbook
(Tsukurukai), held "The Asian Solidarity Conference on
Textbook Issues in Japan. - No! to the Distorted
History Textbook." on June 10th and 11th 2001, in Tokyo.
Included were the total of 250 participants from ROK
(South Korea), DPRK (North Korea: due to the refusal of
entry into Japan, participated by submitting their
papers), China, Taiwan, Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia
and Japan (including Ainu, Okinawa, and Koreans in
Japan).
During the two-day conference, valuable testimonies were
shared from the stand point of the "comfort women" who
were forced to become sex slaves of the Japanese
military, survivors of village massacres who experienced
unimaginable suffering during the war with Japan, Ainu
people, Okinawan and Koreans in Japan. We exchanged our
ideas and opinions on how we can take joint action to
prevent the adoption of the Tsukurukai textbooks and to
establish new visions of history education for the
future. We declare that we strengthen solidarity among
Asian people in order to achieve these two aims.
The criticism has been on the rise about the Tsukurukai
textbook in Japan and more than 300 nationwide meetings
on the textbook issue have been held this year. The
Korean and Chinese Governments have already made demands
to the Japanese Government to make corrections on the
Tsukurukai textbook that passed official screening. In
addition a member of the Korean Parliament, and former
"comfort women" did a sit-in in front of the Diet
building to protest against the Japanese Government. And
there have been other protests voiced from various
countries around Asia. This simply and clearly implies
that how dangerous the Tsukurukai textbooks are for
people in Asia.
The first problem with the Tsukurukai history textbook
is its attempts to justify Japan's aggression and
invasion as a war of liberation, liberating Asia from
Western colonialist rule. It legitimates its own
colonialist rule by pointing out that other Asian
countries benefited by their rule. Second, , it is
written by Emperor's historical view (kokokushikan);
instead of pursuing the responsibility of the emperor
for the war, it in fact glorifies the emperor. Third,
it questions the actuality of the Massacre of Nanjing,
and erases from its records any mention of the Japanese
military sexual slavery system, which was largest war
violence in the 20th century (the Comfort Women System),
(the editor stated that writing about the "Comfort
Women" was like writing about the history of the toilet
- adding insult to insult). Fourth, the subject of
history is portrayed as the nation-state and the people
and minorities are absent and not represented. Fifth,
it defends the family system, and emphasizes the "good
wife, wise mother" mold of traditional gender role-based
division of labor, thereby revealing a discriminatory
attitude toward women. In other words, it is a
self-race centered, nation state centered, power
politics centered, male chauvinistic view of history
that pervades its pages.
Such a view of history can also be seen in the
Tsukurukai civics textbook. First it unabashedly calls
for the need to build a nation that can go to war, by
revising the constitution, glorifying the Self-Defense
Force, encouraging overseas dispatchment of forces,
insisting on the right to " collective self-defense ",
emphasizing the threat of DPRK (North Korea) and China,
teaching respect for the national anthem and flag and
national interest and national order, insisting on the
obligation to protect ones own nation from outside
aggression, and affirmation of the need for nuclear
armament. Second, in order to create a militaristic
nation, it plays down the rights and freedoms of
individual citizens, lifting up the priorities of public
welfare. It sees family unity as more important than
the individual. It discriminates and looks down on
foreigners and minorities. And it takes a hostile
position toward citizen's movements, placing national
interest over human rights. They proclaim a nation
centered, anti-foreign, and racist philosophy. Third,
there is no sensitivity to the violence done toward
women, or honoring human rights and male-female equality
education, thereby revealing its discrimination toward
women."
End of quotes.
More contact:
-ppsg@jca.apc.org
www.ppjaponesia.org
WAWW-NET Japan
-http://www.onggii.com/
NB: The Media group Fujisankei is the publisher of the
revisionist Fusosha Publishing Inc.
days ahead in Japan?
Quotes : "Leaders of a group that edited a controversial
history textbook denied Tuesday the book whitewashes
Japan's wartime atrocities.
Speaking at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan,
Hidetsugu Yagi, president of the Japanese Society for
History Textbook Reform, said foreign experts and
political leaders appear to have criticized the junior
high school textbook without having read it. So more
non-Japanese can read it, the society has translated
part of the book into English, Chinese and Korean, said
Yagi, an assistant professor at Takasaki City University
of Economics.
The textbook makes no reference to women, mostly Asian,
who were forced into sexual slavery at frontline
brothels for the Japanese military.
Nobukatsu Fujioka, an author of the textbook who also
spoke Tuesday, said the society did not include that
topic in the book because it had not found evidence that
the women had been forced into the sex work.
It created a history textbook for junior high school
students, initially approved for use in schools by the
Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology
Ministry in 2001.
A revised edition, published by Fusosha Publishing Inc.,
was approved by the ministry last month."
End of quotes.
What a pathetic attempt to justify the crimes of war and
colonization of Asia by the Japanese Imperial Army. What
pride exists in justifying the unjustifiable and what
are the answers to these revisionists? Here is the
document written after a conference organized by the
participants of "The Asian Solidarity Conference on
Textbook Issues in Japan - No! to the Distorted History
Textbook."...!
Quotes:
"Nationalism, which attempts to justify past war
atrocities and colonialist rule, is on the rise in
Japan. The influence aims to make Japan into a nation
which can go to war. Those who are deeply concerned
about this grave situation as well as concerned about
the history and civics textbooks published for this
purpose, by the Society for New History Textbook
(Tsukurukai), held "The Asian Solidarity Conference on
Textbook Issues in Japan. - No! to the Distorted
History Textbook." on June 10th and 11th 2001, in Tokyo.
Included were the total of 250 participants from ROK
(South Korea), DPRK (North Korea: due to the refusal of
entry into Japan, participated by submitting their
papers), China, Taiwan, Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia
and Japan (including Ainu, Okinawa, and Koreans in
Japan).
During the two-day conference, valuable testimonies were
shared from the stand point of the "comfort women" who
were forced to become sex slaves of the Japanese
military, survivors of village massacres who experienced
unimaginable suffering during the war with Japan, Ainu
people, Okinawan and Koreans in Japan. We exchanged our
ideas and opinions on how we can take joint action to
prevent the adoption of the Tsukurukai textbooks and to
establish new visions of history education for the
future. We declare that we strengthen solidarity among
Asian people in order to achieve these two aims.
The criticism has been on the rise about the Tsukurukai
textbook in Japan and more than 300 nationwide meetings
on the textbook issue have been held this year. The
Korean and Chinese Governments have already made demands
to the Japanese Government to make corrections on the
Tsukurukai textbook that passed official screening. In
addition a member of the Korean Parliament, and former
"comfort women" did a sit-in in front of the Diet
building to protest against the Japanese Government. And
there have been other protests voiced from various
countries around Asia. This simply and clearly implies
that how dangerous the Tsukurukai textbooks are for
people in Asia.
The first problem with the Tsukurukai history textbook
is its attempts to justify Japan's aggression and
invasion as a war of liberation, liberating Asia from
Western colonialist rule. It legitimates its own
colonialist rule by pointing out that other Asian
countries benefited by their rule. Second, , it is
written by Emperor's historical view (kokokushikan);
instead of pursuing the responsibility of the emperor
for the war, it in fact glorifies the emperor. Third,
it questions the actuality of the Massacre of Nanjing,
and erases from its records any mention of the Japanese
military sexual slavery system, which was largest war
violence in the 20th century (the Comfort Women System),
(the editor stated that writing about the "Comfort
Women" was like writing about the history of the toilet
- adding insult to insult). Fourth, the subject of
history is portrayed as the nation-state and the people
and minorities are absent and not represented. Fifth,
it defends the family system, and emphasizes the "good
wife, wise mother" mold of traditional gender role-based
division of labor, thereby revealing a discriminatory
attitude toward women. In other words, it is a
self-race centered, nation state centered, power
politics centered, male chauvinistic view of history
that pervades its pages.
Such a view of history can also be seen in the
Tsukurukai civics textbook. First it unabashedly calls
for the need to build a nation that can go to war, by
revising the constitution, glorifying the Self-Defense
Force, encouraging overseas dispatchment of forces,
insisting on the right to " collective self-defense ",
emphasizing the threat of DPRK (North Korea) and China,
teaching respect for the national anthem and flag and
national interest and national order, insisting on the
obligation to protect ones own nation from outside
aggression, and affirmation of the need for nuclear
armament. Second, in order to create a militaristic
nation, it plays down the rights and freedoms of
individual citizens, lifting up the priorities of public
welfare. It sees family unity as more important than
the individual. It discriminates and looks down on
foreigners and minorities. And it takes a hostile
position toward citizen's movements, placing national
interest over human rights. They proclaim a nation
centered, anti-foreign, and racist philosophy. Third,
there is no sensitivity to the violence done toward
women, or honoring human rights and male-female equality
education, thereby revealing its discrimination toward
women."
End of quotes.
More contact:
-ppsg@jca.apc.org
www.ppjaponesia.org
WAWW-NET Japan
-http://www.onggii.com/
NB: The Media group Fujisankei is the publisher of the
revisionist Fusosha Publishing Inc.
Friday, April 29, 2005
Japan's passion for wallet phones
Gadget loving society...
quotes:
Japan's biggest mobile operator, NTT DoCoMo, is making
coinless payments with computer chip-embedded "wallet
phones" as easy as using a credit card.
The Tokyo-based mobile unit of Japan's top
telecommunications company, Nippon Telegraph and
Telephone Corp., is investing about $925 million to take
a 34 percent stake in Sumitomo Mitsui Card Co., the
credit card unit of a major Japanese bank, both sides
said Wednesday.
Since the service began last year, Japanese using NTT
DoCoMo's "wallet phones" have climbed to some 3 million
people.
The wallet feature, which uses Sony Corp.'s FeliCa IC
chip technology, is just the latest for this
gadget-loving nation's fancy handsets, including digital
cameras, portable TVs, e-mail and streaming video
downloads. All you need to do to make payments with a
wallet phone is swipe the handset next to a special
terminal set up at stores, which have climbed to 20,000
shops nationwide.
The catch so far is that the money must be prepaid.
People must first go to a special machine, where you put
cash in the machine, which records the advance payments
into the chip inside your phone.
Now, the ceiling for such payments stands at $470, but
that's likely to grow with the credit card tie-up,
according to NTT DoCoMo. Details - including security
concerns, the card-brand name and when the service will
begin - have yet to be decided, it said.
The wallet phone, which can now also be used at some
soda-pop vending machines and restaurants, is part of
DoCoMo's ambitions to turn cell phones into the gadget
of choice for the future, replacing wallets, credit
cards, tickets and keys.
NTT DoCoMo controls about 60 percent of the Japanese
mobile market with 48 million customers. Sumitomo
Mitsui Card is Japan's second-largest credit card
company with 12.8 million customers.
Sumitomo Mitsui, which pioneered Visa card issuance in
Japan, will install terminals at retail shops
nationwide, which will probably greatly boost the places
where wallet phones can be used. Sumitomo Mitsui
Banking Corp., the banking unit in the same group, will
also develop ATMs compatible with wallet phones, the
companies said.
end of quotes
quotes:
Japan's biggest mobile operator, NTT DoCoMo, is making
coinless payments with computer chip-embedded "wallet
phones" as easy as using a credit card.
The Tokyo-based mobile unit of Japan's top
telecommunications company, Nippon Telegraph and
Telephone Corp., is investing about $925 million to take
a 34 percent stake in Sumitomo Mitsui Card Co., the
credit card unit of a major Japanese bank, both sides
said Wednesday.
Since the service began last year, Japanese using NTT
DoCoMo's "wallet phones" have climbed to some 3 million
people.
The wallet feature, which uses Sony Corp.'s FeliCa IC
chip technology, is just the latest for this
gadget-loving nation's fancy handsets, including digital
cameras, portable TVs, e-mail and streaming video
downloads. All you need to do to make payments with a
wallet phone is swipe the handset next to a special
terminal set up at stores, which have climbed to 20,000
shops nationwide.
The catch so far is that the money must be prepaid.
People must first go to a special machine, where you put
cash in the machine, which records the advance payments
into the chip inside your phone.
Now, the ceiling for such payments stands at $470, but
that's likely to grow with the credit card tie-up,
according to NTT DoCoMo. Details - including security
concerns, the card-brand name and when the service will
begin - have yet to be decided, it said.
The wallet phone, which can now also be used at some
soda-pop vending machines and restaurants, is part of
DoCoMo's ambitions to turn cell phones into the gadget
of choice for the future, replacing wallets, credit
cards, tickets and keys.
NTT DoCoMo controls about 60 percent of the Japanese
mobile market with 48 million customers. Sumitomo
Mitsui Card is Japan's second-largest credit card
company with 12.8 million customers.
Sumitomo Mitsui, which pioneered Visa card issuance in
Japan, will install terminals at retail shops
nationwide, which will probably greatly boost the places
where wallet phones can be used. Sumitomo Mitsui
Banking Corp., the banking unit in the same group, will
also develop ATMs compatible with wallet phones, the
companies said.
end of quotes
Saturday, April 23, 2005
Many Asian nations want official apology from Japan
Japan sent mixed signals in Bandung to China, with
Koizumi offering a “heartfelt apology� for the nation's
World War II aggressions but with Japanese lawmakers
blunting that message with a visit to a war shrine
critics say glorifies Tokyo’s militaristic past, the
Yasukuni.
Massive anti-Japanese protests erupted in major Chinese
cities in April after Tokyo approved a new history
textbook that critics say plays down wartime Japanese
offenses, including mass sex slavery and germ warfare.
The protesters also have targeted Tokyo’s Security
Council bid. “Japan squarely faces these facts of
history in a spirit of humility,� a Chinese spokesman
said.
Koizumi’s choice of showing contrition at an
international forum overseas put him squarely before
many former victims of Japan’s atrocities, which include
mass sex slavery and germ warfare.
However, Koizumi’s remarks were a far cry from what many
Asian nations have long clamored for: a strongly worded
official statement of apology endorsed by Parliament.
Rhetoric alone appears unlikely to smooth over Tokyo’s
rift with Beijing.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong Quan said “60
years of history has caused great harm to China and
Asia.�
“That ... Koizumi expressed this attitude in this arena
is welcome. We welcome it,� Kong told reporters at a
summit of Asian and African leaders in Jakarta. “But to
express it is one aspect. What’s of much more
importance is the action. You have to make it a
reality.� He said Japan had to do more to “face up to
history.�
Now :
Follow up of the China Japan rivalry with these comments
of the Japanese ministry of Foreign Affairs I got from the
MOFA Spokesman Takashima san.
.../...
Q: When you mention effort on your part, is there any
process that we can talk about after the anti-Japanese
demonstrations in China and the Republic of Korea? As
one problem leads to new problems, there is a tendency
to appreciate now the question of history, for example,
the history textbooks in Japan. When you talk about
effort, do you mean that you are going to emphasize the
revision of those textbooks?
Mr. Takashima: Actually, Foreign Minister Machimura
proposed to initiate something along the lines of a
joint study of history between Japan and China. In
response, the Chinese Foreign Minister said that China
would make a consideration on its own in a positive
manner. We hope that this kind of joint study will be
materialized.
In addition, when Foreign Minister Machimura met with
State Councillor Tang Jiaxuan the following day, they
discussed the issue of textbooks and they agreed that a
study would be done in both countries on each other's
textbooks and we would make an effort to improve the
content of the textbook, if necessary.
It is not the matter of making a request and getting a
response between our two countries, but it should be
done domestically by each other's own will. In order to
create a better understanding between our two countries,
many efforts will be made through this kind of attempts.
The Japanese and Chinese sides also agreed to set up a
fund for cultural exchange as soon as possible, possibly
by the end of this year. This will also constitute a
further attempt for the betterment of the relations and
resolving the issue of various things, including
education.
Question concerning creation of an East Asian Community
(EAC)
Q: Does the current situation in East Asia affect the
process of organizing in Kuala Lumpur in December this
year the East Asian Community (EAC) Summit? Are there
any ramifications or changes in your preparation for
this Summit?
Mr. Takashima: Japan and China have been enjoying very
good friendly relations in the past 2,000 years or more
with the exception of a very short period of time, 30 to
50 years, in conjunction with World War II. Since the
end of World War II, we have been enjoying again very
friendly and cordial relations.
Based upon this development of strong and friendly
relations, Japan, China, the Republic of Korea and
countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) started discussing the creation of the EAC. This
is a kind of forum or framework which is envisaged for
the not too distant future of East Asia. We will take
strides toward that direction and we hope that the
current row between our two countries will not affect
this kind of important work for the creation of a
community.
Q: So you will attend in December this Summit?
Mr. Takashima: Yes, of course.
end of quotes
Koizumi offering a “heartfelt apology� for the nation's
World War II aggressions but with Japanese lawmakers
blunting that message with a visit to a war shrine
critics say glorifies Tokyo’s militaristic past, the
Yasukuni.
Massive anti-Japanese protests erupted in major Chinese
cities in April after Tokyo approved a new history
textbook that critics say plays down wartime Japanese
offenses, including mass sex slavery and germ warfare.
The protesters also have targeted Tokyo’s Security
Council bid. “Japan squarely faces these facts of
history in a spirit of humility,� a Chinese spokesman
said.
Koizumi’s choice of showing contrition at an
international forum overseas put him squarely before
many former victims of Japan’s atrocities, which include
mass sex slavery and germ warfare.
However, Koizumi’s remarks were a far cry from what many
Asian nations have long clamored for: a strongly worded
official statement of apology endorsed by Parliament.
Rhetoric alone appears unlikely to smooth over Tokyo’s
rift with Beijing.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong Quan said “60
years of history has caused great harm to China and
Asia.�
“That ... Koizumi expressed this attitude in this arena
is welcome. We welcome it,� Kong told reporters at a
summit of Asian and African leaders in Jakarta. “But to
express it is one aspect. What’s of much more
importance is the action. You have to make it a
reality.� He said Japan had to do more to “face up to
history.�
Now :
Follow up of the China Japan rivalry with these comments
of the Japanese ministry of Foreign Affairs I got from the
MOFA Spokesman Takashima san.
.../...
Q: When you mention effort on your part, is there any
process that we can talk about after the anti-Japanese
demonstrations in China and the Republic of Korea? As
one problem leads to new problems, there is a tendency
to appreciate now the question of history, for example,
the history textbooks in Japan. When you talk about
effort, do you mean that you are going to emphasize the
revision of those textbooks?
Mr. Takashima: Actually, Foreign Minister Machimura
proposed to initiate something along the lines of a
joint study of history between Japan and China. In
response, the Chinese Foreign Minister said that China
would make a consideration on its own in a positive
manner. We hope that this kind of joint study will be
materialized.
In addition, when Foreign Minister Machimura met with
State Councillor Tang Jiaxuan the following day, they
discussed the issue of textbooks and they agreed that a
study would be done in both countries on each other's
textbooks and we would make an effort to improve the
content of the textbook, if necessary.
It is not the matter of making a request and getting a
response between our two countries, but it should be
done domestically by each other's own will. In order to
create a better understanding between our two countries,
many efforts will be made through this kind of attempts.
The Japanese and Chinese sides also agreed to set up a
fund for cultural exchange as soon as possible, possibly
by the end of this year. This will also constitute a
further attempt for the betterment of the relations and
resolving the issue of various things, including
education.
Question concerning creation of an East Asian Community
(EAC)
Q: Does the current situation in East Asia affect the
process of organizing in Kuala Lumpur in December this
year the East Asian Community (EAC) Summit? Are there
any ramifications or changes in your preparation for
this Summit?
Mr. Takashima: Japan and China have been enjoying very
good friendly relations in the past 2,000 years or more
with the exception of a very short period of time, 30 to
50 years, in conjunction with World War II. Since the
end of World War II, we have been enjoying again very
friendly and cordial relations.
Based upon this development of strong and friendly
relations, Japan, China, the Republic of Korea and
countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) started discussing the creation of the EAC. This
is a kind of forum or framework which is envisaged for
the not too distant future of East Asia. We will take
strides toward that direction and we hope that the
current row between our two countries will not affect
this kind of important work for the creation of a
community.
Q: So you will attend in December this Summit?
Mr. Takashima: Yes, of course.
end of quotes
Tuesday, April 19, 2005
Historical Issues in Japanese Diplomacy Toward Neighboring Countries
Here is what Shuji Shimokoji 2002-2003 Fellow
Weatherhead Center for International Affairs,
Harvard University wrote May 2003:
Quotes :
.../...
Conclusion
Issues and Responses for the Future
As the above analysis has revealed, the problems of the
past or historical issues� between Japan and its Asian
neighbors had been considered resolved in the 1970s but
were rekindled in the 1980s and have burst forth
periodically since then. Diverging views on the means by
which World War II should be ended lie in the background
of this problem. Japan sought approval for settling the
war by legalistic, traditional means that were ordinary
at the time.
The Japanese people accepted the government methods as
ordinary and believed that it would be accepted
internationally as well. However, in the 1980s,
unexpected incidents led the problem to surface, and
Japan was criticized internationally for not having
settled its past. However, Japanese domestic political
forces were clearly instrumental in amplifying these
voices, also complicating the problem in terms of
domestic politics and making it difficult to resolve.
As problems of the past develop, controversies deepen,
and even the methods by which the past was settled come
under question. This can be seen in the individual
reparations claims by so-called comfort women, and the
issue of forced labor during World War II that has
become a major problem in recent years. With the spread
of human rights and an increasing tendency to review
problems of the past with today human rights
sensibilities, this problem has become even more complex
to solve practically, as it encompasses a whole range of
issues. Practically, to solve a complex problem, the
proliferation of points of contention needs to be
prevented. From this point of view, it seems we have no
choice but to use our current sensibilities to resolve
problems stemming from World War II. In this sense, any
problems left unresolved should be settled as soon as
possible.
To resolve problems of some complexity, the solution
cannot help but be vague on some points. In particular,
for problems of the past, to prove anything obviously
becomes difficult as time passes, to review once again
matters that have already been settled threatens legal
stability, and to unnecessarily complicate problems can
only be termed unproductive behavior. I believe some
tolerance is necessary toward vagueness in solutions to
problems of the past.
Bibliography Awaya, Kentaro. War Responsibilities,
Postwar Responsibilities [Senso sekinin, sengo sekinin].
Asahi Sensho 1994. Buruma, Ian. The Wages of Guilt. New
York: Meridian, 1995. Furukawa, Mantaro. Sino-Japanese
Relations after World War II [Nicchu sengo kankeishi].
Hara Shobo 1988. Kisa, Yoshio. What Is War
Responsibility? [Senso sekinin� towa nanika] Chuko
Shinsho 2001. Liu, Deyou. Tokiwa Nagarete. vol. 2.
Fujiwara Shoten 2002. Tanaka, Nobuhisa. Postwar History
of Yasukuni [Yasukuni no sengoshi]. Iwanami Shinsho
2002.
end of quotes
It won't make it with "Neighboring Countries... "
Weatherhead Center for International Affairs,
Harvard University wrote May 2003:
Quotes :
.../...
Conclusion
Issues and Responses for the Future
As the above analysis has revealed, the problems of the
past or historical issues� between Japan and its Asian
neighbors had been considered resolved in the 1970s but
were rekindled in the 1980s and have burst forth
periodically since then. Diverging views on the means by
which World War II should be ended lie in the background
of this problem. Japan sought approval for settling the
war by legalistic, traditional means that were ordinary
at the time.
The Japanese people accepted the government methods as
ordinary and believed that it would be accepted
internationally as well. However, in the 1980s,
unexpected incidents led the problem to surface, and
Japan was criticized internationally for not having
settled its past. However, Japanese domestic political
forces were clearly instrumental in amplifying these
voices, also complicating the problem in terms of
domestic politics and making it difficult to resolve.
As problems of the past develop, controversies deepen,
and even the methods by which the past was settled come
under question. This can be seen in the individual
reparations claims by so-called comfort women, and the
issue of forced labor during World War II that has
become a major problem in recent years. With the spread
of human rights and an increasing tendency to review
problems of the past with today human rights
sensibilities, this problem has become even more complex
to solve practically, as it encompasses a whole range of
issues. Practically, to solve a complex problem, the
proliferation of points of contention needs to be
prevented. From this point of view, it seems we have no
choice but to use our current sensibilities to resolve
problems stemming from World War II. In this sense, any
problems left unresolved should be settled as soon as
possible.
To resolve problems of some complexity, the solution
cannot help but be vague on some points. In particular,
for problems of the past, to prove anything obviously
becomes difficult as time passes, to review once again
matters that have already been settled threatens legal
stability, and to unnecessarily complicate problems can
only be termed unproductive behavior. I believe some
tolerance is necessary toward vagueness in solutions to
problems of the past.
Bibliography Awaya, Kentaro. War Responsibilities,
Postwar Responsibilities [Senso sekinin, sengo sekinin].
Asahi Sensho 1994. Buruma, Ian. The Wages of Guilt. New
York: Meridian, 1995. Furukawa, Mantaro. Sino-Japanese
Relations after World War II [Nicchu sengo kankeishi].
Hara Shobo 1988. Kisa, Yoshio. What Is War
Responsibility? [Senso sekinin� towa nanika] Chuko
Shinsho 2001. Liu, Deyou. Tokiwa Nagarete. vol. 2.
Fujiwara Shoten 2002. Tanaka, Nobuhisa. Postwar History
of Yasukuni [Yasukuni no sengoshi]. Iwanami Shinsho
2002.
end of quotes
It won't make it with "Neighboring Countries... "
China insists Japan to blame, Japan denies 'direct' apology to Beijing?!!
Japan denied Monday that Foreign Minister Nobutaka
Machimura used direct words of apology for Japan's
wartime aggression when he met with Chinese counterpart
Li Zhaoxing over the weekend.
According to Vice Foreign Minister Shotaro Yachi,
Machimura told Li that Japan's stance on its wartime
history remains unchanged, referring to a 1995 statement
issued by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama offering
Japan's "heartfelt apologies" over its past aggression
in China.
Now, what about the 1995 Prime Minister Murayama
apologies?
Clarification on the apologies of Prime minister
Murayama 1995, June 9th, "the resolution was drastically
watered down by the prime minister's conservative
coalition partners, most notably the Liberal Democratic
Party" John Dower writes.
JjL
First : the Gaimusho (MOFA) statement April 15th 2005,
Spokesperson.
Second: Analysis by John Dower, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology
Quotes :
1) Questions concerning 1995 Statement by former Prime
Minister Tomiichi Murayama
Q: You said in your statement that there were few texts
and treaties signed in the past to confirm the good
relations between Japan and China. You specifically
mentioned a statement made by Prime Minister Murayama in
1995. That was a statement by the Government. It was not
at all something voted upon at the Parliament. Was there
any legal work made in the Parliament to adopt such a
resolution?
Mr. Takashima: There was the resolution adopted by the
National Diet.
Q: Right, but my question is, if I could rephrase it,
was it just a Prime Minister's statement? And was it
reviewed by Parliament?
Mr. Takashima: It was a statement issued by then Prime
Minister Murayama. It is not the only statement we have
issued. On various occasions, we have expressed our deep
remorse and deep regret as well as expressed our sincere
apology for the damage inflicted by the acts of Japan,
especially in Asian countries by colonization or
aggression or invasion.
Q: Do you think it is time that the Parliament make up a
resolution in remorse?
Mr. Takashima: The House of Representatives passed the
resolution to learn from the lessons of history and
renew the resolve towards peace on 9 June, 1995.
2) Japan Addresses Its War Responsibility.
John W. Dower is professor of history and Henry Luce
professor of international cooperation at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
"In Japan as in the United States, the 50th anniversary
of World War II in Asia has provoked highly emotional
political and ideological debates. For the American
public, this surfaced most conspicuously in a bitter
controversy over how the Smithsonian Institution's Air
and Space Museum should commemorate the use of atomic
bombs and end of the Pacific War. The Japanese
counterpart to this controversy focused on the
government's appropriate political response to a
horrendous conflict for which, in the eyes of the rest
of the world, Imperial Japan bore immense
responsibility.
Contrary to much media commentary in the United States,
the issue of Japanese "war responsibility" has been
quite widely debated within Japan itself for many years.
These debates intensified following the death of Emperor
Hirohito in 1989, and came to a head in June of this
year with the passage by the lower house of the Diet
(Japan's bicameral parliament) of a resolution
expressing "deep remorse" for Japan's wartime actions.
International and domestic criticism of this
conspicuously qualified resolution was partially
meliorated by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama's
statement of August 15, in which he expressed his
"heartfelt apology" for the damage and suffering caused
by Imperial Japan. The documents that follow here convey
a sense of the gamut of positions taken on this divisive
and volatile issue.
Document 1 is the Diet's own "unofficial" translation of
the resolution passed in the House of Representatives,
amidst great discord, on June 9. This transparently
compromised statement reflects the politically polyglot
nature of the coalition government presiding over Japan.
Originally introduced as a relatively strong apology for
Japan's wartime transgressions by the Social Democratic
Party to which Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama belongs,
the resolution was drastically watered down by the prime
minister's conservative coalition partners, most notably
the Liberal Democratic Party that governed Japan from
1955 to 1993.
The final vote on the resolution in the lower house
amply suggests the political tumult that has accompanied
this issue. Of 502 representatives (nine seats in the
House are presently vacant), only 251 actually
participated in the vote, of whom 230 supported the
resolution. Opposition votes included fourteen members
of the Japan Communist Party, who desired a much
stronger statement of Japan's war responsibility. Some
241 members of the House abstained from voting,
including 70 representatives who were affiliated with
one of the three parties in the shaky ruling coalition
cabinet that sponsored the resolution. Over 50 of these
dissenting coalition members belonged to the
conservative Liberal Democratic Party; they felt that
the resolution still went too far. On the other hand,
fourteen Socialists abstained on the grounds that it did
not go far enough. The greatest number of abstaining
representatives (141) belonged to the Shinshinto (New
Frontier Party), at least some of whose members desired
a stronger statement. A few members of the House were
not present for reasons having nothing to do with the
resolution per se.
The resolution as passed contains several conspicuous
features. Japanese colonialism and aggression is placed
in the larger context of "modern" colonialism and
aggression by other powers (implicitly "the West"). The
word "apology" (shazai or owabi) is conspicuously absent
from the final statement. And the "deep remorse" (fukai
hansei) expressed for the suffering Imperial Japan
caused other peoples is explicitly identified as
referring primarily to Japan's Asian neighbors."
end of quotes
The article :
http://www.umich.edu/~iinet/journal/vol3no1/jpnwar.html
(Click the title to access)
Machimura used direct words of apology for Japan's
wartime aggression when he met with Chinese counterpart
Li Zhaoxing over the weekend.
According to Vice Foreign Minister Shotaro Yachi,
Machimura told Li that Japan's stance on its wartime
history remains unchanged, referring to a 1995 statement
issued by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama offering
Japan's "heartfelt apologies" over its past aggression
in China.
Now, what about the 1995 Prime Minister Murayama
apologies?
Clarification on the apologies of Prime minister
Murayama 1995, June 9th, "the resolution was drastically
watered down by the prime minister's conservative
coalition partners, most notably the Liberal Democratic
Party" John Dower writes.
JjL
First : the Gaimusho (MOFA) statement April 15th 2005,
Spokesperson.
Second: Analysis by John Dower, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology
Quotes :
1) Questions concerning 1995 Statement by former Prime
Minister Tomiichi Murayama
Q: You said in your statement that there were few texts
and treaties signed in the past to confirm the good
relations between Japan and China. You specifically
mentioned a statement made by Prime Minister Murayama in
1995. That was a statement by the Government. It was not
at all something voted upon at the Parliament. Was there
any legal work made in the Parliament to adopt such a
resolution?
Mr. Takashima: There was the resolution adopted by the
National Diet.
Q: Right, but my question is, if I could rephrase it,
was it just a Prime Minister's statement? And was it
reviewed by Parliament?
Mr. Takashima: It was a statement issued by then Prime
Minister Murayama. It is not the only statement we have
issued. On various occasions, we have expressed our deep
remorse and deep regret as well as expressed our sincere
apology for the damage inflicted by the acts of Japan,
especially in Asian countries by colonization or
aggression or invasion.
Q: Do you think it is time that the Parliament make up a
resolution in remorse?
Mr. Takashima: The House of Representatives passed the
resolution to learn from the lessons of history and
renew the resolve towards peace on 9 June, 1995.
2) Japan Addresses Its War Responsibility.
John W. Dower is professor of history and Henry Luce
professor of international cooperation at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
"In Japan as in the United States, the 50th anniversary
of World War II in Asia has provoked highly emotional
political and ideological debates. For the American
public, this surfaced most conspicuously in a bitter
controversy over how the Smithsonian Institution's Air
and Space Museum should commemorate the use of atomic
bombs and end of the Pacific War. The Japanese
counterpart to this controversy focused on the
government's appropriate political response to a
horrendous conflict for which, in the eyes of the rest
of the world, Imperial Japan bore immense
responsibility.
Contrary to much media commentary in the United States,
the issue of Japanese "war responsibility" has been
quite widely debated within Japan itself for many years.
These debates intensified following the death of Emperor
Hirohito in 1989, and came to a head in June of this
year with the passage by the lower house of the Diet
(Japan's bicameral parliament) of a resolution
expressing "deep remorse" for Japan's wartime actions.
International and domestic criticism of this
conspicuously qualified resolution was partially
meliorated by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama's
statement of August 15, in which he expressed his
"heartfelt apology" for the damage and suffering caused
by Imperial Japan. The documents that follow here convey
a sense of the gamut of positions taken on this divisive
and volatile issue.
Document 1 is the Diet's own "unofficial" translation of
the resolution passed in the House of Representatives,
amidst great discord, on June 9. This transparently
compromised statement reflects the politically polyglot
nature of the coalition government presiding over Japan.
Originally introduced as a relatively strong apology for
Japan's wartime transgressions by the Social Democratic
Party to which Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama belongs,
the resolution was drastically watered down by the prime
minister's conservative coalition partners, most notably
the Liberal Democratic Party that governed Japan from
1955 to 1993.
The final vote on the resolution in the lower house
amply suggests the political tumult that has accompanied
this issue. Of 502 representatives (nine seats in the
House are presently vacant), only 251 actually
participated in the vote, of whom 230 supported the
resolution. Opposition votes included fourteen members
of the Japan Communist Party, who desired a much
stronger statement of Japan's war responsibility. Some
241 members of the House abstained from voting,
including 70 representatives who were affiliated with
one of the three parties in the shaky ruling coalition
cabinet that sponsored the resolution. Over 50 of these
dissenting coalition members belonged to the
conservative Liberal Democratic Party; they felt that
the resolution still went too far. On the other hand,
fourteen Socialists abstained on the grounds that it did
not go far enough. The greatest number of abstaining
representatives (141) belonged to the Shinshinto (New
Frontier Party), at least some of whose members desired
a stronger statement. A few members of the House were
not present for reasons having nothing to do with the
resolution per se.
The resolution as passed contains several conspicuous
features. Japanese colonialism and aggression is placed
in the larger context of "modern" colonialism and
aggression by other powers (implicitly "the West"). The
word "apology" (shazai or owabi) is conspicuously absent
from the final statement. And the "deep remorse" (fukai
hansei) expressed for the suffering Imperial Japan
caused other peoples is explicitly identified as
referring primarily to Japan's Asian neighbors."
end of quotes
The article :
http://www.umich.edu/~iinet/journal/vol3no1/jpnwar.html
(Click the title to access)
Sunday, April 17, 2005
Japan's Meti minister Shoichi Nakagawa says Chinese protests boost investment Risks!
Tensions between Tokyo and Beijing have been fueled by
disagreement over the U.N. Security Council, gas
resources in disputed seas and new Japanese textbooks
that critics say minimize Japan's wartime offenses. Is
biggest risk now for China to maximize Japanese investors
fears into a "scary country" ?
quotes :
"Japan's trade minister Shoichi Nakagawa said
anti-Japanese demonstrations in China are raising
concerns among international companies about investing
in the world's most populous country.
In Shanghai, 20,000 people took to the streets
yesterday, hurling stones and paint at the Japanese
consulate and vandalizing Japanese restaurants in a
second weekend of demonstrations across China, Japan's
biggest export market.
The protests ``are amplifying fears among companies in
Japan and elsewhere that they will face devastation
should they offend China,'' Nakagawa said today on a
Fuji television talk show. ``China didn't take action to
prevent the protests or stop them afterward, and I don't
think it's because the government was unable to so.''
Japan's Foreign Minister is scheduled to visit China
today as tensions between the neighboring countries
mount over offshore territorial disputes and what China
says is Japan's refusal to apologize for atrocities the
Japanese military committed during its occupation of
China before and during World War II.
People are ``dissatisfied with Japan's attitude and
action on a series of issues such as its history of
aggression,'' Jiao Yang, Shanghai municipal spokeswoman,
said in remarks reported by Xinhua News Agency, China's
official voice on political issues.
China's failure to act against piracy and counterfeiting
already pose risks to investing in China for companies
in Japan, the European Union and the U.S., Nakagawa
said.
Disputes between Japan and China have flared over both
countries' claims to drilling rights in disputed waters
of the East China Sea and over annual visits by Japanese
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and his predecessors to
Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine, where war criminals lie among
dead soldiers being honored.
Protests also target new Japanese textbooks that critics
say gloss over wartime atrocities committed by the
Japanese, most notably the 1937 Nanjing massacre, in
which some historians say hundreds of thousands of
civilians died.
Nakagawa said he doesn't understand why those
long-standing issues have suddenly sparked the recent
outburst of protests.
``I have little clue as to why now,'' Nakagawa said.
end of quotes
disagreement over the U.N. Security Council, gas
resources in disputed seas and new Japanese textbooks
that critics say minimize Japan's wartime offenses. Is
biggest risk now for China to maximize Japanese investors
fears into a "scary country" ?
quotes :
"Japan's trade minister Shoichi Nakagawa said
anti-Japanese demonstrations in China are raising
concerns among international companies about investing
in the world's most populous country.
In Shanghai, 20,000 people took to the streets
yesterday, hurling stones and paint at the Japanese
consulate and vandalizing Japanese restaurants in a
second weekend of demonstrations across China, Japan's
biggest export market.
The protests ``are amplifying fears among companies in
Japan and elsewhere that they will face devastation
should they offend China,'' Nakagawa said today on a
Fuji television talk show. ``China didn't take action to
prevent the protests or stop them afterward, and I don't
think it's because the government was unable to so.''
Japan's Foreign Minister is scheduled to visit China
today as tensions between the neighboring countries
mount over offshore territorial disputes and what China
says is Japan's refusal to apologize for atrocities the
Japanese military committed during its occupation of
China before and during World War II.
People are ``dissatisfied with Japan's attitude and
action on a series of issues such as its history of
aggression,'' Jiao Yang, Shanghai municipal spokeswoman,
said in remarks reported by Xinhua News Agency, China's
official voice on political issues.
China's failure to act against piracy and counterfeiting
already pose risks to investing in China for companies
in Japan, the European Union and the U.S., Nakagawa
said.
Disputes between Japan and China have flared over both
countries' claims to drilling rights in disputed waters
of the East China Sea and over annual visits by Japanese
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and his predecessors to
Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine, where war criminals lie among
dead soldiers being honored.
Protests also target new Japanese textbooks that critics
say gloss over wartime atrocities committed by the
Japanese, most notably the 1937 Nanjing massacre, in
which some historians say hundreds of thousands of
civilians died.
Nakagawa said he doesn't understand why those
long-standing issues have suddenly sparked the recent
outburst of protests.
``I have little clue as to why now,'' Nakagawa said.
end of quotes
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